https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/ Historical Researches en daily 1 Sat, 22 Nov 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 22 Nov 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30331.html https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30040.html Abstract The present study investigates the social origins of endowments in Sari during the pre-Constitutional Qajar era (1210–1324 AH), with a focus on the analysis of donors’ titles and occupations recorded in endowment documents. Information concerning the donors and their fathers was extracted from 268 documents and analyzed through qualitative content analysis of historical texts. The results indicate the participation of a wide spectrum of social strata—from artisans, guild members, and merchants to religious scholars, local landowners, and notable urban figures—in the process of endowment creation. The diversity of occupational and titular references within the documents reflects the multi-layered social structure of traditional Sari society. The inclusion of professions such as bezaz (cloth dealer), blacksmith, grocer, cloth weaver, perfumer, and merchant highlights the key role of the urban middle classes in establishing endowments. Findings reveal that endowments in Sari during the Qajar period served as both a means of reproducing individual and familial status and a mirror of the city’s complex class hierarchy. With the active involvement of guilds, religious elites, women, and small-scale landowners, endowment activity extended beyond the monopoly of the traditional elite and became a dynamic mechanism for expressing class identity, reinforcing social cohesion, and reflecting pre-Constitutional social change. Keywords: Qajar period, Sari, Endowments, Endowment Documents, Social Origin. Introduction As one of the most enduring institutions in Islamic societies, waqf (endowment) has historically played multifaceted roles in resource organization, wealth distribution, and the reproduction of social status. In Iran, scholarly attention has often focused on its jurisprudential, economic, or religious dimensions; however, endowment can also be understood as a socio-cultural mechanism linking religious practice with systems of power, class, and identity. Examining endowment documents thus offers insights not only into legal or religious structures but also into the social fabric and internal power dynamics of a community. Sari, a prominent administrative, religious, and political center in Mazandaran during the Qajar era, provides an ideal case study for such an investigation. Its diverse population and layered social composition made it a vibrant arena of civic and religious interaction. The pre-Constitutional endowment documents of Sari constitute a valuable corpus for tracing class positions and social affiliations through the recorded titles and occupations of donors and their fathers. These texts—imbued with formal legal language—link personal, familial, and institutional relationships and offer a mirror of the city’s social hierarchy. Accordingly, this research addresses the question: To what extent do Sari’s pre-Constitutional endowment documents reflect the class and social positions of donors, and what do they reveal about the broader social structure and power relations of the time? By reconstructing donors’ social origins through an analysis of their titles and occupations, this study clarifies the pattern of class participation in the institution of endowment and its connection to urban power mechanisms. Preliminary findings suggest that, beyond religious or charitable motives, endowment served as a social field for expressing class identity, establishing family status, and engaging in the local power network. Materials and Methods Theoretically, this study draws upon historical sociology and perspectives that interpret religious institutions as social actions embedded in power and class relations. In light of Vygotsky’s activity theory, individuals derive self-understanding and identity through interactions within social and cultural structures; similarly, the act of endowment reflects the interplay between personal piety, status aspirations, and institutional frameworks. Two analytical concepts underpin the research: Social origin – representing the donors’ class and status within the Qajar social hierarchy. Titles and occupations – serving as empirical indicators of donors’ social standing and economic function. Occupations connect donors to systems of production and livelihood, while titles signify religious, administrative, or familial prestige. Through systematic examination of these variables, a detailed reconstruction of class composition and status reproduction in Qajar-era Sari becomes possible. Methodologically, this study employs qualitative content analysis of 268 historical endowment documents preserved in the Archives of the General Department of Endowments and Charity Affairs of Mazandaran. From each document, data concerning the donor’s name, father’s name, title(s), and occupation(s) were extracted, categorized, and analyzed thematically to reveal patterns of social origin and status continuity. Research Findings The findings indicate the participation of diverse social groups in the formation of endowments—from traditional craftsmen (azzaz, blacksmith, knifemaker, bookbinder, palandoz, attar, coppersmith, indigo seller) to professionals (physician, swordsmith, sadr, muezzin). Mercantile occupations, such as merchant (15 cases) and grocer (3 cases), held a prominent share, revealing the central role of the urban middle classes. The documents also reference civil and military titles—such as biglerbeigi, sardar oazzam al-dawlah, nazim, yuzbashi, and solohan—particularly among donors’ fathers, signifying the involvement of privileged strata in the waqf process. Analysis further highlights the intergenerational continuity of social status: inherited religious or honorific titles (Sheikh, Mullah, Akhund) among donors’ fathers point to the transmission of symbolic capital and social prestige across generations. In cases where both donor and father bear clerical titles, the preservation of religious identity and family reputation is especially evident. Out of 268 documents, 83 include occupational data and 226 specify titles for donors. In 78 documents, donors’ fathers are named, with 37 specifying their occupations. This distribution underscores the diversity of both professional and symbolic affiliations in the donor population. Collectively, the data reveal that the waqf institution in Qajar Sari acted as a cross-class platform linking guilds, religious communities, women, and local elites—serving as one of the key channels for civic participation. The variety of titles and occupations mirrors the transitional and multi-tiered class structure of the city on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution. Endowment practices, while rooted in long-standing religious traditions, also enabled broader social engagement and contributed to the formation of shared religious, economic, and cultural spaces in the urban landscape. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The analysis demonstrates that endowment activities in Sari transcended individual or familial motives, exerting wide-ranging effects on the city’s social, cultural, and economic structures. First, they fostered social solidarity and local cohesion by addressing communal needs—supporting the poor, maintaining mosques, funding schools, and sustaining religious and cultural institutions. Such activities nurtured mutual trust and inter-class cooperation, particularly in a medium-sized urban context like Sari, and reinforced a sense of collective identity. Second, endowments served as vehicles for the transmission of religious and moral values. The prevalence of religious titles and occupations among benefactors reflects the intergenerational preservation of spiritual prestige and the embedding of moral norms within the fabric of daily life. Third, endowments had significant economic implications. Many were established in the form of markets, shops, agricultural lands, or financial assets that simultaneously provided income for donors’ families and stimulated local economic activity. These endowments generated employment, improved access to services, and mitigated inequalities—creating what may be termed socioeconomic capital. Finally, the participation of female benefactors—though numerically smaller—had symbolic importance, showcasing women’s agency in public and charitable spheres. Their involvement in educational and religious projects expanded the boundaries of civic engagement and demonstrated the inclusive potential of the waqf institution. Overall, the endowments of Sari during the Qajar period functioned as both reflections and instruments of social structure—linking piety, economy, and class identity. They not only reinforced local cohesion and religious culture but also paved the way for broader civic participation, offering a nuanced understanding of urban social dynamics on the eve of Iran’s Constitutional transformation. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30041.html Abstract In the late 8th century AH, Timur invaded the Ilkhanid dominions. By defeating the local Muzaffarid and Jalayerid governments, he gained control over Khuzestan, which remained under Timurid rule for nearly half a century. The emergence of the Mushasha‘id movement immediately after the Timurid period suggests that the administrative approach and governance style of the Timurids laid the groundwork for the rise and expansion of the Mushasha‘id order. Using a descriptive–analytical approach, this study explores the political, economic, social, and cultural consequences of Timurid rule in Khuzestan. The findings indicate that due to factors such as the geographical and environmental conditions of the region, the presence of numerous political rivals, and the general instability of power, Timurid authority in Khuzestan never became firmly established. Moreover, their interactions with the local population were largely characterized by plunder and confiscation. Consequently, Timurid rule brought about social insecurity, economic decline through damage to agriculture and trade, and the weakening of tribal structures. Culturally, this period witnessed the growth of Shi‘ism, the centrality of Shushtar as a Shi‘ite hub, and the flourishing of Sufism and messianic tendencies, all of which paved the way for the rise of the Mushasha‘id movement. Keywords: Timurids, Mushaꞌshaꞌids, Khuzestan, Shushtar, Hilla, Social and Cultural Conditions, Shiꞌism. Introduction Located in southwestern Iran, Khuzestan has historically held strategic significance in Iran’s political and administrative structure due to its geographical position and communication routes. Timur (r. 771–807 AH) invaded the western territories of Iran toward the end of the 8th century AH, taking possession of the former Ilkhanid lands from the Oxus River to the Levant. By destroying the Muzaffarids in Fars and expelling the Jalayerids from Iraq, he captured Khuzestan in 795 AH and incorporated it into his dominion. The Timurid conquest of Khuzestan had profound political, social, and economic repercussions. In the latter half of the 9th century AH, the emergence of one of the era’s most influential Sufi–Shi‘ite movements—the Mushasha‘i order—within this same region, which soon expelled the Timurid representatives, highlights the transformative effects of the Timurid administration. This unique historical phenomenon underscores the hypothesis that nearly fifty years of Timurid governance in Khuzestan, through its exploitative methods and ineffective administration, created the preconditions for the Mushasha‘i uprising.  Despite the significance of this era, the social developments of Khuzestan during the 9th century AH have been underexplored. Scholars such as Beatrice Manz (1989; 2007) and Mir Jafari (2009) have made only passing references to the political events in this province. Accordingly, this study seeks to reconstruct the socio-political and cultural conditions of Khuzestan during Timurid rule and to identify the key consequences of this domination. Materials and Methods This research employs a descriptive–analytical design and historical methodology. Data were collected from a wide range of written sources—historical, geographical, and biographical works of the period—as well as numismatic evidence such as surviving coins preserved in private and institutional collections. The gathered data were then analyzed using causal and comparative methods to evaluate the political, economic, social, and cultural implications of Timurid governance in Khuzestan. Research Findings Following the disintegration of the Ilkhanate, Khuzestan alternated between Jalayerid and Muzaffarid control until Timur’s conquest in 795 AH. He annexed it administratively to Fars province. Nevertheless, because of its remote geographical location, the harsh environmental conditions, and the administrative weaknesses of the Timurid regime, Khuzestan soon fell into disorder and briefly reverted to the rule of the Jalayerid successors. The considerable distance between Khuzestan and the Timurid capitals—first Samarkand and later Herat—alongside the incompatibility of the region’s hot and humid climate with the disposition of the Chaghatayid troops, further weakened the Timurid presence. Consequently, Khuzestan experienced prolonged political isolation and instability, which deeply influenced its social and economic structures. This environment fostered the spread of Shi‘ite–Sufi ideas, gradually setting the stage for the emergence and expansion of the Mushasha‘id movement in the early 9th century AH. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Timur’s conquest of Khuzestan in 795 AH occurred with little resistance. Although Timurid control over the region lasted for over fifty years, it failed to achieve lasting stability due to two defining features—political instability and administrative inefficiency. The ruling elite’s reliance on confiscation and plunder as tools of governance further deepened public resentment and hindered economic recovery. The Timurid occupation brought about widespread social insecurity, economic stagnation through the disruption of agriculture and trade, and the decline of nomadic livelihoods. Simultaneously, the religious and cultural policies of the Timurids, particularly their appointment of Shi‘ite officials and their administrative linkage of Khuzestan with southern Iraq, contributed to the spread of Shi‘ism, with Shushtar emerging as a major Shi‘ite center. The prevailing unrest, coupled with the Timurid religious policy, also encouraged the growth of Sufism and messianic expectations. Ultimately, the rise of the Mushasha‘id religious–political movement—rooted in these three concurrent currents of Shi‘ism, Sufism, and messianism—can be regarded as one of the direct outcomes of Timurid rule in Khuzestan. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30194.html Abstract In the book Al-Malahim wa al-Fitan by Seyyed ibn Tawus, there is a statement in which he introduces Ka'b al-Ahbar as one of the chosen companions of Imam Ali (AS). By investigating the sources, it becomes clear that a report like this is not found in any of the early sources of the sects. Therefore, this narrative is ranked among rare and unconventional reports. By stating this issue, two research questions are examined in this study: 1) Why did Seyyed ibn Tawus include Kab al-Ahbar among the special companions of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS)? 2) What evidence and reasons contradict the report of Seyyed ibn Tawus regarding the counting of Kab al-Ahbar among the chosen companions of Imam Ali (AS)? The present study is based on the hypothesis that Seyyed ibn Tawus was excessive in his good faith and religious tolerance towards Kab al-Ahbar. The results of this historical research show that Seyyed ibn Tawus made a historical error regarding the Shiism of Ka'b al-Ahbar. The orientation of Seyyed ibn Tawus' report about Ka'b al-Ahbar is more in line with the image that Seyyed ibn Tawus had of Ka'b al-Ahbar than with an objective reality in the context of Islamic history. As a result, this report by Seyyed ibn Tawus lacks sufficient historical accuracy and credibility and is questionable; it is even rejected. Keywords: Amir al-Mu'minin (AS), Seyyed ibn Tawus, Ka’b al-Ahbar, Chosen Companions, Al-Malahim wa al-Fitan. Introduction The book al-Malāḥim wa al-Fitan deals with narrations and reports that foretell events expected to occur in the future. In studying these works, attention to two points is essential. First, not only are the narrations contained in the al-Malāḥim wa al-Fitan literature logically subject to both truth and falsehood, but from a rational standpoint, the likelihood of falsehood is stronger than that of truth, since such narrations may have been fabricated and recorded for specific purposes. Second, given that the narrations in these works pertain to future events, whereas the discipline of history concerns events that have already occurred in the past, these books fall—by definition—outside the category of historical sources and works. Therefore, their historical reliability and credibility are not to be trusted, unless a narration is found among them that contains a report about a past event. In such a case, the historical soundness and reliability of that report must be examined independently through a comparative study with other historical sources. The present study examines the authenticity of the narration regarding Kaʿb al-Aḥbār’s inclination toward Shi‘ism in Sayyid Ibn Ṭāwūs’s al-Malāḥim wa al-Fitan. Materials and Methods This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method and is based on collecting data through library and software resources. Given that this research is the first to examine the authenticity of the Shiite narration of Ka'b al-Ahbar in "Al-Mulahim wa al-Fitn" by Seyyed ibn Tawus, it lacks any research background that directly addresses this issue. Accordingly, in order to find the research findings, in addition to using the book "Al-Malahim wa al-Fitn", historical, hadith, juristic, and interpretive sources were used. Research Findings Seyyed ibn Tawus, by quoting the statement: "Ka'b al-Ahbar was one of the chosen companions of Imam Ali" in his book "Al-Malahim wa al-Fitan", entered this report into Shiite tradition for the first time. No Shiite scholar before him has narrated such a report. Seyyed ibn Tawus' source in his narration is the lost book "Manaqib al-Imam al-Hashimi Abi al-Hasan Ali ibn Abi Talib" written by Abu Omar Zahid Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahed Laghwi. Seyyed ibn Tawus's attention to the narration of Abu Omar Zahid regarding the inclusion of Ka'b al-Ahbar among the distinguished companions of the Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) is due to his narrative positions, which were influenced by his personality. Seyyed ibn Tawus' tolerant personality and conciliatory intellectual orientation led him to consider Ka'b al-Ahbar as one of the special companions of Imam Ali (AS). Meanwhile, Seyyed ibn Tawus relied on a single narration and a non-specialist narrator regarding Ka'b's Shiism. And this methodological error of Seyyed ibn Tawus in trusting Abu Omar Zahid is due to the error of "establishing the truth by relying on authority". The Shiite narration of Kab al-Ahbar has faced serious criticism, the sum of which reveals the inaccuracy of this report. And the most important criticisms of this narrative can be summarized as follows: 1) Criticism of the source and narrator of the narrative, 2) Criticism of the narrative content, and 3) Criticism of Ka'b al-Ahbar's ideological and political positions. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The most important criticisms of this narrative are as follows: 1) Criticism of the source and narrator of the narration: The book "Manaqib al-Imam al-Hashimi Abi al-Hasan Ali ibn Abi Talib" was ranked among the books with low credibility in terms of scientific strength and credibility in the author's time. Scholars of that era paid little attention to it, and eventually this book was lost. The narrator of the story is Abu Omar Zahid, a layman who was accused of lying and condemned. 2) Criticism of the content of the narration: Contrary to the text of the narration, in which Kab al-Ahbar is identified as one of the companions of Imam Ali (AS), the clash and intellectual-ideological confrontation between the Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and Ka'b al-Ahbar, on the one hand, caused Ka'b to disown and dislike Imam Ali (AS), and on the other hand, caused Ka'b to be called a liar by the Imam. Also, contrary to Seyyed ibn Tawus's opinion, Ka'b al-Ahbar's behavior shows that not only was Ka'b not one of the elite companions of the Imam, but he was also a serious supporter of the political rival party of Imam Ali (AS). 3) Criticism of Ka'b al-Ahbar's ideological and political positions: Ka'b al-Ahbar tried to undermine the status of the Quran among Muslims and weaken their belief in the Book of God. But Imam Ali (AS) not only always encouraged and paid attention to Muslims in reciting the Quran and practicing it; Rather, one of his important advice to Muslims on the eve of martyrdom was to act according to the Quran. Imam Ali strongly opposed storytellers. Ka'b al-Ahbar was also one of the storytellers and distorters of truth in Islamic history. In his political stance, Ka'b al-Ahbar was a staunch supporter of Umar ibn al-Khattab. Ka'b had no belief in the caliphate of Imam Ali (AS). He was one of the opponents of Imam Ali (AS)'s succession after Umar ibn Khattab. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30145.html Abstract The kalami-historical (theological-historical) approach is among the prevalent methodologies in composing the Sirat al-Nabawiyyah (the Prophetic biography). This study seeks to clarify the components and characteristics of this approach through an examination of two contemporary works: History of Islam from Its Beginning to the Hijrah by ʿAli Davani and History of Islam: From the Age of Ignorance to the Demise of the Prophet of Islam by Mahdi Pishvaʾi. Accordingly, the central question addressed in this study is: What constitutes the kalami-historical approach, and how is it manifested in the aforementioned works by Davani and Pishvaʾi? To answer this question, a comparative content analysis was conducted on both texts. The findings indicate that the kalami-historical approach is a dual methodology rooted in both history and kalam (Islamic theology), with a primary reliance on theological principles. In this framework, historical narration is guided and evaluated through theological presuppositions, and history functions as a means to defend and articulate doctrinal beliefs. The study identifies the main features of this approach as an emphasis on sacred history, reliance on theological doctrines, the use of historical evidence and historiographical methods, the preservation and defense of theological beliefs, attention to miracles, the explicit representation of the role and status of Imam ʿAli (Peace Be Upon Him) in early Islam, and the critique of Orientalist doubts and skeptical narratives. At the same time, this approach has been subject to criticism, including its deviation from strict historiographical requirements, the instrumentalization of history, and the conflation of kalam with historical inquiry. Despite these critiques, the kalami-historical approach demonstrates a distinctive capacity to reassess dominant historical narratives and to offer alternative interpretations grounded in theological reasoning. Keywords: Theological-historical approach, Sacred History, Theological Beliefs and Principles, Historiographical Requirements, Ali Davani, Mehdi Pishvaei. Introduction The biography of the Prophet of Islam (Peace Be Upon Him), known as Sirat Rasūl Allah, has been written according to various methodological approaches, one of which is the theological-historical approach. This approach is reflected in a number of works devoted to the life of the Prophet (PBUH). Among these are History of Islam from Its Beginning to the Hijrah by ʿAli Davani and History of Islam: From the Age of Ignorance to the Demise of the Prophet of Islam by Mahdi Pishvaʾi. A content-based examination of these works indicates that they conform closely to the defining components of the theological-historical approach. This study raises the following question: What is the theological-historical approach, and how is it reflected in the two works by Davani and Pishvaʾi? A preliminary hypothesis suggests that this approach represents a hybrid methodology combining theology (kalam) and history, in which theological doctrines are granted priority in historical interpretation. Given the scholarly background and intellectual orientation of both authors, it was hypothesized that they consciously adopted this approach in their writings on the history and biography of the Prophet (PBUH), a hypothesis that is subsequently confirmed through content analysis of their works. The importance of this study lies in its contribution to a clearer and more systematic understanding of methodological approaches in Sirah studies, as well as in highlighting the distinctions among them. By examining both works together, this research offers a more comprehensive picture of the theological-historical approach than would be possible through the analysis of a single text. Moreover, such an investigation sheds light on the presuppositions and intellectual commitments of the authors themselves. Accordingly, the two books were analyzed using a comparative content analysis method, and sufficient evidence was extracted to clarify the defining features of the theological-historical approach, which will be elaborated in the following sections. Materials and Methods This study adopts a qualitative research design based on documentary (library-based) data collection. The collected data were analyzed using a comparative content analysis method applied to the two selected works. From a methodological standpoint, the research is developmental in nature, as it contributes to refining and expanding the analytical tools used to study historiographical and theological approaches. The procedure involved classifying and coding data extracted from both texts according to a predefined conceptual framework of the theological-historical approach, followed by an assessment of the degree to which the contents of these works correspond to that framework. Research Findings The findings reveal that the theological-historical approach, as reflected in the works of Davani and Pishvaʾi, represents a synthetic methodology grounded in both kalam and history. In this approach, the history and Sirah of the Prophet (PBUH) are narrated through reliance on theological principles while employing historical evidence and documentation. The primary objective is to reinforce conviction among believing audiences and to present an educational and normative model derived from the Prophet’s life. Both authors draw extensively on historical sources, including Sunni accounts, yet they accord primacy to Shiʿi sources, treating them as a criterion for evaluating other reports. They also emphasize the role and status of Imam ʿAli (AS) in early Islamic history, countering narratives that marginalize his position. Furthermore, they engage critically with Orientalist interpretations and certain biased historical accounts. While theology serves as the foundational framework of their analysis, attention to historical documentation and method remains evident throughout their works. At the same time, the study identifies several criticisms of the theological-historical approach, including its potential departure from strict historiographical standards, the instrumental use of history, the conflation of theology with historical inquiry, and insufficient critique of intra-religious sources. Nevertheless, the approach can also reveal historical oversights and offer interpretations that, in some cases, align more closely with theological and moral realities. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The theological-historical approach constitutes an integrated methodology in which theological commitments guide the reconstruction of the Prophet’s history and Sirah. Through a content analysis of the works of Davani and Pishvaʾi, this study demonstrates that theological belief functions as the primary principle, while history operates as a supportive tool. Core characteristics of this approach include the defense of Shiʿi beliefs, the emphasis on Imam ʿAli’s role in early Islam, the critique of Orientalist narratives, and a critical stance toward certain dominant Sunni historical accounts. Although the instrumentalization of history and the blurring of boundaries between theology and historiography present methodological challenges, the theological-historical approach remains a significant and influential framework in contemporary Sirah studies, offering alternative readings grounded in doctrinal coherence and religious commitment.   https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30227.html Abstract Bread shortages in the 1940s constituted one of the gravest subsistence crises in Iran during the Second World War, assuming acute dimensions in Fars Province. While structural weaknesses in grain production and distribution had emerged in the late Reza Shah period, the Anglo-Soviet occupation of 1941 and intensive exploitation of domestic resources by Allied forces converted these weaknesses into a crisis. This study examines the roots and multi-causal mechanisms of the bread shortage in Fars from 1941 to 1945, a subject that has received limited region-focused attention in existing scholarship. It asks which local and national factors contributed to the emergence and intensification of the crisis and clarifies how their interaction shaped wartime food insecurity in southern Iran. The study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and draws on primary materials from the National Archives of Iran, administrative correspondence, provincial reports, parliamentary debates, contemporary newspapers, and relevant secondary studies. Data are organized and analyzed across key axes, including agricultural production, distribution and pricing, transportation, security, foreign intervention, and administrative performance. The findings show that Allied control over transport and grain supplies, combined with drought, declining output, hoarding, corruption, displacement, and route insecurity, mutually reinforced one another and intensified the crisis in Fars. Keywords: Bread Shortage, Grain Shortage, Famine, World War II, Fars. Introduction Bread shortages during the Second World War represented one of the most critical subsistence crises in modern Iranian history, with particularly severe consequences in Fars Province. Although problems related to agricultural productivity, grain storage, and distribution had already emerged during the final years of Reza Shah’s rule, these structural weaknesses intensified dramatically after the Allied occupation of Iran in 1941. The presence of foreign military forces, the redirection of domestic resources, and the disruption of transportation networks transformed latent vulnerabilities into an acute and persistent food crisis. Despite the importance of wartime food shortages in shaping social unrest and state–society relations, regional dimensions of the crisis—especially in southern Iran—have received limited independent scholarly attention. Fars, as a major agricultural region and a strategic transit zone, experienced a convergence of environmental, administrative, and military pressures that made bread scarcity both widespread and prolonged. This study focuses on examining the roots and mechanisms of the bread crisis in Fars from 1941 to 1945. The central question addressed is which local and national factors contributed to the emergence, persistence, and intensification of bread shortages in the province. By adopting a regional perspective, the study seeks to illuminate how wartime occupation interacted with existing structural deficiencies to produce a multi-causal subsistence crisis in southern Iran. Materials and Methods This research adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology with the aim of identifying and interpreting the multiple factors that contributed to the bread shortage in Fars during the Second World War. Rather than focusing on a single causal explanation, the study emphasizes the interaction between environmental, economic, political, and administrative variables at both local and national levels. The primary sources used in this research include archival documents from the National Archives of Iran, particularly administrative correspondence, provincial reports, and communications between central authorities and local officials. These materials are supplemented by parliamentary debates, contemporary newspapers, and official statistics related to agriculture, transportation, and provisioning. In addition, relevant secondary sources, including later historical and social studies, are used to contextualize and interpret the primary data. The collected data are systematically classified and analyzed across several key axes: agricultural production, grain distribution, transportation infrastructure, security conditions, foreign military intervention, and administrative management. Through comparative and thematic analysis, the study traces how disruptions in each of these domains reinforced one another. This methodological approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the bread crisis as a complex and dynamic phenomenon rather than a temporary or isolated shortage. Research Findings The findings of this study demonstrate that the bread shortage in Fars from 1941 to 1945 resulted from a convergence of interrelated factors rather than a single cause. The Allied occupation played a central role by appropriating domestic grain supplies and prioritizing military needs over civilian consumption. Extensive use of roads, railways, and transport vehicles by foreign forces severely disrupted internal distribution networks, delaying or preventing the timely movement of grain to urban centers. At the local level, agricultural production declined due to recurrent droughts, pest infestations, and shortages of labor and farming inputs. These environmental pressures were compounded by large-scale population movements, including rural displacement and migration to cities, which increased demand for bread in urban areas. Insecurity along transportation routes further aggravated shortages by facilitating hoarding, smuggling, and black-market activity. Administrative inefficiency and corruption also played a significant role. Weak oversight, inconsistent pricing policies, and delayed state intervention undermined public trust and reduced the effectiveness of rationing and control measures. Together, these factors created a cumulative crisis in which production shortfalls, distribution failures, and governance weaknesses reinforced one another, leading to persistent bread scarcity and widespread social hardship in Fars. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The bread crisis in Fars during the Second World War illustrates how wartime occupation can intensify existing structural vulnerabilities and transform them into large-scale subsistence disasters. The findings suggest that while environmental factors such as drought and declining yields were important, they alone cannot explain the severity of the crisis. Instead, the interaction between foreign military intervention, disrupted transportation systems, and weak administrative capacity proved decisive. From a broader perspective, the case of Fars highlights the limitations of the Iranian state in managing food security under the conditions of external pressure and internal fragmentation. The inability to effectively regulate grain markets, secure transportation routes, and prevent hoarding reflects deeper institutional weaknesses that predated the war but were exposed and magnified by it. In conclusion, the bread shortage in Fars was not merely a temporary wartime hardship but a complex socio-economic crisis shaped by multiple overlapping forces. Understanding this issue contributes to a more nuanced interpretation of Iran’s wartime experience and underscores the importance of regional studies in reconstructing the social history of food crises. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29939.html Shah Ismail, by restoring Iran’s territorial and political integrity and reviving the idea of Iranian-Shahri kingship, established a model of absolutist political-military and cultural behavior that continues into the modern era. Recognizing the importance of this behavioral model, the authors of this study aimed to examine his agency from the time of his exit from Gilan, tracing his transition from the individual leadership of a sect to institutionalized state power in accordance with the requisites of ruling as an Iranian Shah. By examining the elements underlying Ismail's Iranian-Shahri ideology and the rationale behind the declaration of Shi'ism as the official state religion, this study assesses the record of his agency, in chronological order, based on the interpretation of foundational historical texts, i.e., primary sources from the 9th and 10th centuries AH. The results indicate the status of the official religion as an instrument of political integration, following his enthronement in Tabriz and the revival of the Iranian-Shahri ideology. Subsequently, by returning to the Iran-Shahri ideology and ancient identity through celebrating Iranian festivals (Nowruz, Sadeh, etc.), commissioning new versions of the Shahnameh, and employing Iranians in opposition to the Qizilbash Shah Ismail, the Shah approached the political-territorial integrity of the Sasanian Iranshahr. He transformed the idea of an Iranian Shah emerging from the shadow of religion into an influential discourse and an agent of change. This is an aspect that, until now, has been overlooked due to excessive focus on the religious aspect, despite being one of the characteristics of Iranian-Shahri thought and one of the tools of the Iranian Shah in connection with the state.Keywords: Hermeneutics, Iranian-Shahri Thought, Iranian Shah, Shah Ismail.IntroductionThis study reflects on the agency of Shah Ismail, the founder of the Safavid dynasty, within the framework of "Iranian-Shahri" thought. Employing the method of "hermeneutic phenomenology" and drawing on foundational historical texts from the 9th and 10th centuries AH, the authors seek to answer this question: What role did Iranian-Shahri thought play in Shah Ismail's agency? The research data show that the elements forming Shah Ismail's monarchy and the Safavid dynasty cannot be attributed solely to factors such as the Qizilbash devotees from Anatolia or the official religion of Twelver Shi'ism. Rather, Shah Ismail—by recognizing and being influenced by the Iranian-Shahri thought that had been revived during the Ilkhanate period—sought to emulate and restore the characteristics of the “Iranian Shah.” These included: (1) royal lineage, possession of the Divine Farr (Divine Radiance), and being chosen by God; and (2) the establishment of an official religion as “the factor for order and the custom of kingship” (Fazilat, 2003, p. 99), which reflects “the principle of the sacred nature of politics in Iranian-Shahri thought and the divine legitimacy of sovereigns” (Rostam-Vandi, 2009, p. 144). It is an instrument for the “organization of kingship” (Azarfaranbagh & Azarbad, 2005, p. 78) and the duty of the Iranian Shah. By recreating the geographical characteristic of the Sasanian Iranshahr, alongside being the chosen Shah, possessor of the Divine Farr (Divine Radiance) linking the deity and the king, in the "specific country of Iran" (Eslami-Nadoushan, 2012, p. 20), he thereby attained legitimate monarchy.Despite the dominance of the Islamic Caliphate, the political thought of Iran's rulers remained the political thought of the Divine Farr, with the difference that this “Divine Radiance was transformed into the shadow of God” (Enayat & Rajaee, 1993, p. 92). Shah Ismail, nurtured within this state, was able, after centuries of political fragmentation, to reconstruct Iran's territorial unity within borders approximating those of the Sasanian era.Materials and MethodsDuring the turmoil of the Aq Qoyunlu succession, Sheikh-Shah Ismail, the leader of the Safavid Sufi order and a descendant of Hasan Padeshah Aq Qoyunlu, who had taken refuge with Karkiya Mirza Ali, the Shah of Gilan, upon exiting Gilan and reviving the Iranian-Shahri ideology, laid the foundation for a new political discourse. This discourse was based on Iranian-Shahri thought and the concept of the Iranian Shah. Although it had culturally receded under the domination of the Islamic Caliphate, it remained the political thought of the rulers of Islamic Iran, which was the political thought of the Divine Farr, with the difference that this “Divine Radiance was transformed into the shadow of God” (Enayat & Rajaee, 1993, p. 92). Following the Mongol invasion and the fall of the Eastern Caliphate, the Iranian-Shahri ideology was reproduced by historian-bureaucrats of the Ilkhanate and dominated the Iranian political system in the 8th and 9th centuries AH.This is because “the 10th century AH (16th century CE) marked the peak of the power of the monarchy in Iran, and the power and position of the Shah reached the level of the Sasanian era” (Minorsky, 1955, p. 19). Ismail, in 905 AH, the heir to his noble ancestors’ legacy, was endowed with divine fortune. He, as the heir to relations of pride and leadership, culminating in renowned sultans (Amini Heravi, 2004, p. 44, 79), held the right to kingship, not inappropriately, for ruling the country and the world (Khandamir, 1991, p. 45). He was “among the sons of the age, more deserving to undertake the affairs of the country” (Khandamir, 2001, p. 49).The basis of this research is the understanding, interpretation, and hermeneutic analysis of foundational historical texts from the 9th and 10th centuries AH, based on hermeneutic phenomenology, i.e., the understanding and interpretation of text and discourse. These are writings that depict how Ismail Safavi came to power. From Gadamer’s perspective, the interpreter, when confronting any text, seeks the truth that the text places before them, and the meaning of the text is determined according to the concerns and hermeneutic situation of the interpreter, and is consequently subject to change (Warnke, 2022, p. 8). Understanding texts involves recognizing the reality and truth of phenomena—particularly those that are erroneous, hidden, or latent—since such phenomena possess their own distinct mode of existence and therefore require specific forms of analysis (Sokolowski, 2009, p. 58). Research FindingsThe obtained results indicate the multi-layered nature of the elements of the Safavid family's political power, contrary to theories that regard the Safavid state merely as a religious (Shiite) or Qizilbash polity. The study also emphasizes the effective role of Iranian-Shahri thought and the concept of the Iranian Shah in Shah Ismail's agency. This is because Shah Ismail utilized a popular Islam mixed with Hurufi and Nuqtavi ideas to attract Qizilbash devotees from Anatolia, and with their support, along with internal elements, he ascended to the throne. He then instrumentally employed Twelver Shi‘ism as the official religion to achieve political integration and link religion with the state. Subsequently, by transforming the idea of the Iranian Shah emerging from the shadow of religion into an influential discourse and an agent of change, he turned to archaism and a return to the identity of cultural Iran. The celebration of Iranian festivals (Nowruz, Sadeh, etc.), the commissioning of the Shahnameh, and the employment of Iranians in state affairs, in opposition to the Turkmen tribes who claimed the foundation of the Safavid state, were carried out in this context. Thus, he gradually reduced dependence on the Qizilbash and moved toward reviving the Sasanian Iranian-Shahri ideology, thereby consolidating the foundations of the Iranian Shah's monarchy. He approached the political-territorial integrity of the Sasanian Iranshahr and established a model that reached its perfection in the age of Shah Abbas. Discussion of Results and ConclusionsBy progressing through three stages—(1) the transition from sectarian leadership to an institutionalized monarchy; (2) the declaration of Shi‘ism as the official religion to “organize kingship” and create political integration through the linkage of religion and the state; and (3) following the defeat at the Battle of Chaldiran, entering the stage of “archaism” and reviving Iranian identity—Shah Ismail transformed the idea of the Iranian Shah into a dominant political discourse. Therefore, the Iranian-Shahri thought, which at the beginning of Shah Ismail's rule was in the shadow of religion and the power of the Qizilbash, became a "dominant discourse" and an agent of change in the society. It was a key factor in creating the political-territorial integrity of Iran under Safavid rule, which flourished under Shah Abbas. This study concludes that the Safavid state should be regarded as a manifestation of Iranian-Shahri thought and the concept of the Iranian Shah. Studying Safavid history without considering this important layer will be insufficient.  https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30137.html Despite the extensive research that has been on Amir Kabir's political life, performance, and style of governance, the scope of disagreements about his continues to increase. These disagreements have mostly been about the governance model and type of state desirable and desired by Amir Kabir. This has become a major challenge among those who do researches Amir Kabir's and those who are contemporary history experts. Therefore, this issue remains a serious and thinking - provoking matter. This article also attentions this problem. For this purpose, the author first identifies the most important ideas raised about Amir Kabir's type of governance and his desired and desirable state. Then, he presents and criticizes these ideas. Among the views presented, this article discusses the opinions of Robert Grant Watson, Fereydoun Adamiyat, Mohammad Ali Akbari, and Davoud Fairahi. The reason for their selection is their difference and conflict in viewpoints. Without accepting any of these viewpoints, this article attempts to present a different perspective on Amir Kabir's desirable state and governance model than expand on these differences. The research achievements and findings show that none of the proposed ideas (i.e. enlightened autocracy, systematic regular monarchy, authoritarian rule, constitutional monarchy) was effective given the conditions of Iranian society at that Qajar period early. Therefore, the nature of the government and state envisioned by Amir Kabir and his performance must be understood within the framework of the initial steps towards the formation of an absolute state in Iran. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30246.html Following the oil nationalization and dispute with Britain, the British government, claiming ownership of Iranian oil, blocked oil sales. In response, Dr. Mosaddegh's administration, committed to preserving political sovereignty and mitigating petroleum dependency, resolved to finance the national budget through non-oil revenue streams wherever feasible.This policy entailed boosting non-oil exports and curtailing non-essential imports, complemented by targeted measures to enhance foreign trade infrastructure. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology, the present study draws upon unpublished archival materials from Iran's National Archives Organization, Ministry of Foreign Affairs records, and official Customs Administration statistics to scrutinize these initiatives.Key findings reveal that strategies encompassing domestic production expansion, rationalization of import/export commodity classifications, establishment of trade facilitation institutions, and bilateral barter arrangements demonstrably augmented non-oil exports and improved the trade balance across the study period. Comparative analysis of customs data substantiates the partial efficacy of these measures in offsetting petroleum revenue shortfalls.Ultimately, Mosaddegh's government successfully navigated national fiscal management amid economic blockade without oil income, thereby providing a seminal precedent for Iran's non-oil economic diversification. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30268.html Within the broader scope of Orientalist scholarship, Islamic studies is characterized by two primary streams: revisionism and moderation. While Hagarism was co-authored by Crone and Cook, Sean Anthony penned Muhammad and the Empire of Faith. The authors of two books are seeking to redefine the Prophet's sirah and the history of Islam in the contemporary era. This research, with a critical and analytical approach to library sources, seeks to redefine the Sīrah and the history of Islam from the perspective of revisionist and moderate authors. In addition, it seeks to answer this question: In redefining the Sirah and the history of Islam, what differences and similarities are observed between the two books, "Hagarisim" and "Muhammad and the Empire of Faith"? The study confronts a hypothesis that Hagarism (a critical intellectual trend) employs revisionist methods in Islamic historical studies to adopt an extreme and distrustful approach towards sources of Sīrah and Islamic history. This trend not only refers to Islamic, but also non-Islamic sources shape new truths. The book "Muhammad and the Empire of Faith" examines the Sīrah with a moderate approach and based on the historical analysis of sources of the Sīrah and the history of Islam. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30327.html Following the establishment of the Safavid Kingdom by Shah Ismail I, the utilization of the tabarrā (disavowal/imprecation) to create a religious distinction led to the formation of a group called the Tabarrā’iyyān (or Tabarra'is). Their duty was to express tabarrā and punish those who disobeyed the practice. The behavior of the Tabarrā’iyyān during this period had religious and political impacts both inside and outside the borders of Iran, which require examination and analysis.This article addresses this issue by focusing on the central question: "What was the political and religious role and impact of the Tabarrā’iyyān in Safavid governance?" This research answers this question using a library-based (documentary) method. The findings show that in the early Safavid period, the Tabarrā’iyyān were a group serving the government, pursuing the project of religious conversion in Iran. Their duties included expressing tabarrā alongside the Safavid military forces, in religious and governmental assemblies, and accompanying the ulema (scholars) and amirs (nobles). The actions of the Tabarrā’iyyān in this era gave a religious dimension to the political confrontations between the Safavids and the Uzbeks and Ottomans, intensifying the takfīrī (excommunication) fatwas against the Shia. Furthermore, it increased persecution and hardship for Shia Muslims outside the Iranian realm. After a period of deprivation and prohibition during the reign of Ismail II, the Tabarrā’iyyān gradually lost their governmental role and, due to the delegation of religious affairs to the ulema, they were integrated into the Shia religious society https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30332.html Sukuk, as one of the historical texts on Sharia laws, has yet to be paid much attention to by historians. This kind of text includes data on cultural, social, and economic domains, along with historical texts, texts on Monsha'at, and literary texts that show ambiguous aspects of historical processes. In terms of writing style, Sukuk is similar to Monsha'at, but there are many differences between them in terms of subject and content. Using a text-based historical analysis, the current study aims to analyze the importance of Isfarayini's treatise in terms of theme, structure, and content. By writing "sharia sukuk," Abdolmomen Ahmad Isfarayini, as a judge/scribe, could take an important step to show statesmen, scholars, and scribes' efforts. His treatise titled "Monsha'at and Sukuk) has three sections, including rules of writing, discourses, and sharia sukuk. By combining Monsha'at and sukuk, he has tried to close these domains. Although he has utilized calligraphy to connect these two domains, he has yet to be successful. His fourteen proofs cover social and commercial aspects, which have been successful in terms of classification and subject compared to sukuk by predecessors. Identifying and analyzing this valuable work can fill this vacuum, present essential data on the history of commercial law and social history, and create a new domain for histography in connection to the law. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30333.html Abstract The land of Iran is one of the most important ancient sites of human society. In this country, epics and myths show the intellectual structure and worldview of the ancestors of this lineage in an intertwined manner. The issue of creation and permanence of the land are elements that Iranians have taken steps to protect by magnifying and utilizing the bravery of their heroes. By addressing such issues, they have tried to take significant steps in preserving their history and heritage. In this research, which has been drawn up in a comparative manner based on library data, an attempt has been made to study the representation of Iranian. The results of this study show that the element of religion played a fundamental role in the ontological thought of the historical writings of the two periods and changed some of the descriptions of kings, such as the lineage of people like Kiyomars and Jamshid and their lives, although the basic theme and framework of the narrative of events have the same themes. Studies in this field have manifested themselves in elements such as: the role of heredity in the endurance of governance, the symbolism of the Pishdadian kings, the civilization-building of Iranians, and the actions of individuals as the creators of their own destinies. Keywords: Ancient period, Epic, Myth, Pishdadian, Safavid Period https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30334.html The Karabakh region, a focal point of conflict for centuries, experienced significant political and social transformation under successive Iranian, Ottoman, and Russian rule, each imposing distinct administrative systems. This complex history, interpreted through diverse historiographical lenses, has yielded often contradictory narratives. However, a unique corpus of four administrative registers—the Safavid Mojmal (1595), Ottoman Moufaṣṣal (1723), and Russian censuses (1823, 1886)—provides unparalleled, continuous data for regional study. This research investigates three core issues: the nature, purpose, and methodology behind each register's creation; the evolution of their content and structure over time; and their relationship to contemporaneous political-social developments and historical accounts. Analysis reveals that each document fundamentally reflects its era's administrative logic and state policies, capturing structural shifts in governance and demography. Data discrepancies stem primarily from differing bureaucratic objectives and methods rather than from actual on-the-ground changes alone. Consequently, a comparative study of these sources is essential for a deeper, more nuanced understanding of Karabakh's social and administrative history. Keywords: Karabakh, Census, Caucasus, Iran, Ottoman, Russia https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30352.html The Persian Gulf and Atlantic played significant roles in the global system of slavery during the 18th-20th, with their merchants engaged in the slave trade from East and West Africa; however, the slave trade in these regions had fundamental differences in economic, political-military, and geographical contexts, which led to the formation of distinct patterns in the structure and functioning of this trade. Britain was a decisive actor in the slave trade of both regions. Accordingly, the present study aims to examine Britain’s approach to the slave trade in these regions and seeks to analyze and compare the models of trading, pricing, living conditions and rights of slaves, routes, and Britain’s approach in both regions. The main question is: “How did the differences of the Persian Gulf and the Atlantic lead to Britain’s differentiated approach to controlling the slave trade in Africa?” Using the historical method and an analytical-comparative approach, this study examines historical data and evidence through written sources and official documents. Britain’s policy in both regions was shaped by its colonial interests, economic-military objectives, and the political-economic characteristics of each region. In the Atlantic, Britain’s direct presence stemmed from economic competition with other European powers and the demand for labor, whereas in the Persian Gulf and the Indian subcontinent, Britain’s strategic and political-military motives let it toward an intermediary and controlling role. Differences in the political-economic and geopolitical structures of the two regions resulted in significant variation in Britain’s mode of intervention, policymaking, and conduct regarding the slave trade. https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30357.html Sitting in Iranian culture has been associated with certain customs and splendor since ancient times, to the extent that Iranians needed to learn these customs and apply them in their daily life in order to interact with each other. The culture of sitting among communities is influenced by the customs and social factors of the community and is highly influential on the social and cultural structures and is considered a factor for the cultural differences of the communities with each other, and therefore, in the political dimension, it provides the grounds for ceremonial and diplomatic disagreements. The culture of sitting and the manners related to the order and priority of sitting have long been a factor for the cultural difference between Iran and European societies. This article tries to raise the issue of sitting manners in Iran during the Qajar eras, the influence of the style of sitting in Iran's ceremonial relations with foreign countries, and basically the Europeans' view of Iranian sitting culture, and to answer these questions, what is the sitting culture in Iran during the qajar era. Has it been light? What effect has the sitting style of Iranians had on foreign relations and diplomatic ceremonies? What change has the introduction of artefacts such as chairs made in ceremonial instructions? The importance of this issue is to express the cultural differences of the countries, the differences of ceremonial opinion, and in the diplomatic aspect, to introduce a background of the basics of ceremonies in Iran. Meanwhile, in