دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 Analysis and Criticism of Sources Regarding the Number and Names of Hafez Abru's Works بازکاوی و نقد منابع دربارۀ تعداد و نام آثار حافظ ابرو 1 18 30547 10.22108/jhr.2026.147719.2887 FA محبوبه نقیه گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران. قربانعلی ابراهیمی گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران. شهرزاد نیازی گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 16 Abstract Hafez Abru was a ninth-century historian, who served under Timur the Great and his successor, Shahrokh. In 1413 AD, Shahrokh first commissioned him to compose a geographical work and he was subsequently entrusted with several historical writing projects. Scholars who have examined his life and oeuvre have provided information regarding the number and titles of his works that remains unclear and imprecise. This ambiguity arises from several factors, including the extensive volume of his writings, his distinctive method of compilation, and the fact that many of his manuscripts have yet to be identified, critically edited, and published. This article critically evaluated the available information on his works through a descriptive-analytical methodology. To present a definitive list of his writings, his corpus must be classified into 3 categories: (1) works that he transcribed from other authors; (2) works that represent his original authorship; and (3) collected works that comprise both his own compositions and transcribed materials, along with new content. To establish an accurate list of his works, one must extract from these three categories the titles that he authored and present them as his genuine oeuvre. Keywords: 7th Century (AD), History, Hafez Abru, Works. Introduction The primary objective of this article was to establish a comprehensive list of Hafez Abru's works through a comparative analysis of information drawn from existing sources and references. This study was predicated on the hypothesis that a thorough review of all available scholarship, alongside a comparative examination of the texts of Hafez Abru's edited works, can facilitate the preparation of a definitive inventory of the number and titles of his writings. The present study was historical in nature; that is, it examined and critically evaluated the information presented in previous research on the works of Hafez Abru. The following scholarly works were conducted on Hafez Abru: Introduction by Khanbaba Bayani to the Jami' al-Tawarix al-Rashidi(1938) Introduction by Bahman Karimi to Zafarnameh Nizam al-din Shami(1949) Introduction by Tower in Five Historical Treatises(1958) Introduction by Heravi in Hafez Abru's Geography(1960) Modarresi's introduction to Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyah(1985) Modarresi in the first section of Majma' al-Tawarix(1991) Azkaei in The Historians of Iran(1994) Introduction by Hajj Seyyed Javadi in Zobdat-ol Tavarix(1993) Introduction by Sajjadi and Ale-Dawood in Hafez Abru's Geography(1996) Introduction by Mir Hashem Muhaddis to the History of the Kings of Kart(2010) Continuity and Change in Iranian Historiographyby Gholamreza Amirkhani (2016) Introduction by Ghiyasyan to Jame'i al-Tawarixand Majma' al-Tawarix (2019) The article "Hafiz Abru" by Ale-Dawood (2019) The article "Hafez Abru and His Works" by Barthold (1996) The article "Hafez Abru" by Rezazadeh (2022) The article "The Life and Method of Historiography of Shahab al-din Hafez Abru" by Keshavarzghasemi (2009) Materials & Methods This study employed a historical research methodology, utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach to critically examine and synthesize existing scholarship on the works of the 9th-century historian Hafez Abru. The primary objective was to establish a definitive list of his authored works by resolving ambiguities and contradictions present in previous research. The materials for this study consisted entirely of secondary sources, specifically the corpus of published research on Hafez Abru and his historiographical output. The primary data were drawn from a comprehensive review of 19 key scholarly works, which included: Critical Introductions to Primary Texts:Introductions to edited manuscripts of Hafez Abru's works, such as the Jami' al-Tawarix al-Rashidi (Bayani, 1938), Zafarnameh Nizam al-din Shami (Karimi, 1949), Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyah (Modarresi, 1985), and Hafez Abru's Geography (Heravi, 1960; Sajjadi & Ale-Dawood, 1996), among others Analytical and Encyclopedic Articles:Scholarly articles and book chapters dedicated to Hafez Abru's life and works, including those by Barthold (1996), Ale-Dawood (2019), Rezazadeh (2022), and Keshavarzghasemi (2009) Comprehensive Historiographical Studies:Broader works on Iranian historiography, such as The Historians of Iran (Azkaei, 1994) and Continuity and Change in Iranian Historiography (Amirkhani, 2016) These sources were selected as they represented the full spectrum of modern scholarship on the subject, providing a range of perspectives and lists of Hafez Abru's purported works. The research was conducted in a systematic, three-stage process: Data Compilation:Information regarding the number and names of Hafez Abru's works was extracted from each of the 19 identified sources. These data were organized into a comparative table (as seen in the "Research finding" section), mapping the titles attributed to Hafez Abru by each scholar. Comparative Analysis:The compiled data were subjected to a rigorous comparative analysis. The lists of works from all sources were cross-referenced to identify points of consensus, contradictions, and ambiguities. This involved a critical evaluation of the rationale each researcher provided for their attributions, noting where they diverged. Synthetic Categorization:To reconcile the disparate findings, a new analytical framework was developed. It was determined that works attributed to Hafez Abru fell into 3 distinct categories: Works he authored(original compositions) Works he compiled(which might include his own and others' writings) Works he transcribed(copies of other authors' texts) By applying this tripartite classification to the data from the comparative analysis and by excluding works clearly misattributed (such as Sirat'al Nabi and Kulliyat), a final, synthesized list of Hafez Abru's original authored works was proposed. This method allowed for a systematic resolution of the confusion caused by his unique compilation. Style and the incomplete publication of his manuscripts Research Findings Karimi (1949) identified a collection comprising 16 works, including the Introduction and Index to Tabari's History, Tabari's History, Sub-Tabari's History, Introduction and Index to Jami' al-Tawarix, Jami' al-Tawarix, Kings of Kart, Four Small Pieces, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Zafarnameh, Sub-Zafarnameh, and History of Shahrokh. Bayani (1938) listed 12 works, including the Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, Oljaito, History of the Sahibqarani, Geography, and a Collection. Felix Tower (1957) identified a collection that included the Introduction and Index to Tabari's History, Tabari's History, Introduction and Index to Jami' al-Tawarix, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Zafarnameh, Sub-Zafarnameh, and History of Shahrokh, as well as the Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah (whose fourth volume he called Zubdat-ol Tawarix), and the Geography. Mayel Heravi (1970) listed the Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, and Geography. Nafisi (1984) presented a collection that included Tabari's History, Sub-Tabari's History, Jami' al-Tawarix, Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Zafarnameh, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, Yamini's Translation, Beyhaqi's History, and Seljuqnameh. Warhram (1991) listed only the Geography. Seyyedjavadi (1993) listed the Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, which included the Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, History of the Sahibqarani, and Geography. Azkaei (1994) listed the Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Shahrokh, Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Geography, and Jami' al-Tawarix. Barthold (1996) listed Tabari's History, Jami' al-Tawarix, Zafarnameh, Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, Geography, and Jami' al-Tawarix. Sajjadi and Ale-Dawood (1996) identified a collection that included the Introduction and Index to Tabari's History, Tabari's History, Sub-Tabari's History, Jami' al-Tawarix, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Zafarnameh, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, and History of the Sahibqarani, as well as the Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, Geography, and History of the Eastern Kings. Keshavarz Qasemi (2009) listed a collection that included Sub-Tabari's History, Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, and local dates, as well as the Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, and Geography. Amirkhani (2016) presented a collection that included Tabari's History, Sub-Tabari's History, Jami' al-Tawarix, Kings of Kart, Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Zafarnameh, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, parts of Geography, and History of the Abbasid Caliphs, as well as the Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, Sub-Gozideh History, Introduction to the Shahnameh of Baysonqori, and Mu'az al-Ansab. Shahri (2021) listed the Kings of Kart, four treatises (Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah), Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, Zubdat-ol Tawarix, and Geography. Rezazadeh (2022) listed the Kings of Kart, five treatises (Toghatimur, Amirvali, Sarbedariyeh, Arghunshah, and Kings of Kart), Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, History of Ale Muzaffar, Sub-Zafarnameh, History of Shahrokh, Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah, and Zubdat-ol Tawarix. Discussion of Results & Conclusion In the manuscript inventories, no work entitled "Collection" or "Kulliyat" is attributed to Hafez Abru; nevertheless, all of his writings may be regarded collectively as a historical compendium spanning the entire period from the beginning of Islamic history to the author's own time. In any case, attributing a unified collection specifically to Hafez Abru is erroneous. Moreover, certain works appearing in manuscript indexes—particularly in the list compiled by Qara Balut—are, according to the introductions of critical editions and the findings of modern scholars, unequivocally not authored by Hafez Abru. These include Sirat'al Nabi, Kulliyat, and the History and Lineage of the Kings of Gharat. The central subject of this article—namely, the definitive titles of Hafez Abru's works—could not be established with certainty until all of his manuscripts were identified, critically edited, and published. Based on the foregoing discussion, Hafez Abru transcribed material from various sources, composed original treatises, and subsequently compiled these treatises into an unnamed collection. In other words, he constructed the history of Iran through a chain of both his own and others' works. Consequently, some researchers had enumerated these works separately, and we adopted the same approach in presenting his oeuvre as follows: Sub-Tabari's History (translated by Bal'ami), Sub-Zafarnameh, Sub-Jame' al-Tawarix, the History of Hazrat Sahib Qarani (Timur), the History of Shahrokh Mirza, Majma' al-Tawarix al-Sultaniyyah (the last, or fourth, volume of which was known as the Zobdat ol-Tawarix), and the Geography. حافظ ابرو (758-833ق) از مورخان قرن نهم است که در خدمت امیر تیمور گورکانی و شاهرخ بوده است. اولین بار در 816ق شاهرخ او را مأمور کرد که کتابی در حوزۀ جغرافیا بنویسد. حافظ ابرو سپس چند بار مأمور به تاریخ‌نگاری شد. محققان و مصححانی که به زندگی و آثار او پرداخته‌اند، دربارۀ تعداد و نام آثار او مطالبی آورده‌اند که روشن و صریح نیستند. برخی از این دلایل عبارت‌اند از: شمار فراوان آثار حافظ ابرو، روش کار او در تدوین مطالب و نیز شناسایی، تصحیح و چاپ نشدن همۀ دست‌نویس‌های آثار وی. در نوشتار حاضر با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به نقد اطلاعات موجود دربارۀ آثار او پرداخته شده است. نوشتار حاضر بر مبنای این فرضیه انجام شده که بررسی همۀ پژوهش‌های در دسترس و مقایسۀ متن آثار مصحح حافظ ابرو با یکدیگر می‌تواند به تهیۀ فهرستی دربارۀ تعداد و نام آثار حافظ ابرو کمک کند. بررسی و تحلیل اطلاعات نشان داد که برای ارائۀ فهرستی از آثار او باید آن‌ها را به سه دسته تقسیم کرد: 1. آثاری که بر پایۀ متون پیشین تدوین یا از روی آن‌ها نوشته شده‌اند؛ 2. آثار تألیفی مستقل مؤلف؛ 3. آثاری که ماهیتی مجموعه‌ای دارند و دربردارندۀ تألیفات مستقل مؤلف، متون برگرفته یا رونویسی‌شده، و نیز مطالب افزوده‌ و تازه‌اند. برای ارائۀ فهرستی از آثار او باید از این سه دسته، نام آثار تألیفی مستقل وی را استخراج و به‌عنوان آثار حافظ ابرو معرفی کرد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30547_ed3ad7f0974b28b7f1f3096991cb4d9e.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 Realism and Un-realism in the Iranian Diplomacy during the Qajar Era (The Iranian Delegation's Agency at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919) واقع‌گرایی و ناواقع‌گرایی در عرصۀ دیپلماسی ایرانی عصر قاجار (موردمطالعه: کنشگری هیئت ایرانی در کنفرانس صلح پاریس 1298ش/1337ق) 19 33 30502 10.22108/jhr.2026.148274.2905 FA مهدی اقدسی دانشجوی دکتری گروه آموزشی تاریخ، تاریخ جمهوری ترکیه، دانشگاه استانبول، استانبول، ترکیه رضا بیگدلو گروه پژوهشی اجتماعی، پژوهشکده جغرافیای انتظامی، پژوهشگاه علوم انتظامی و مطالعات اجتماعی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2026 02 07 Abstract Iranian diplomacy from the rise of the modern era to the present day has been damaged by unrealism and unrealistic thinking due to several factors, including a lack of proper understanding of global politics, the shadow of history, and idealism and ideologicalism. Realism implies proportionality between goals and strategies, resources and capabilities, and acting based on them in foreign diplomacy, whereas unrealism implies the separation and lack of proportionality between goals and strategies in diplomacy. The Paris Peace Conference serves as an example of the confrontation and conflict between realism and unrealism in policymaking and decision-making in Iranian diplomacy. After the First World War, Iran, suffering from numerous defeats, occupations, and economic and social problems, had its eyes set on the postwar world and the emergence of international organizations supporting nations. Therefore, despite not being invited to the conference, the Iranian government formed the Aspirations Committee and sent a delegation to the Paris Peace Conference to turn it into a field of diplomatic activism. Using historical analysis, this article examines how the Iranian delegation's activism at the Peace Conference can be analyzed from the perspective of realism and unrealism and how its achievements can be evaluated from this perspective. The research findings indicate that, contrary to the claims of many researchers, the Iranian delegation's presence at the conference was not without achievements. Attending the conference paved the way for Iran to join the League of Nations, and the country's national sovereignty and independence were recognized by international institutions and countries around the world. However, there was unrealistic optimism regarding the conference and emerging powers, while territorial restitution and border changes stemmed from Iranian idealism. Keywords: Realism, Un-realism, Iranian Diplomacy, Qajar, Paris Peace Conference. Introduction The history of Iranian foreign policy in the modern era has frequently been characterized by tensions between national aspirations and practical capabilities. During the late Qajar period, this tension became particularly visible as Iranian policymakers attempted to respond to growing foreign intervention, economic dependency, political instability, and territorial fragmentation. The conclusion of the First World War appeared to offer new opportunities for weaker states to assert their rights within an evolving international order founded on principles of self-determination, collective security, and international cooperation. The Paris Peace Conference emerged as the central arena in which the future political structure of the postwar world would be determined. Inspired by President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and encouraged by the collapse of imperial powers such as Russia and the Ottoman Empire, Iranian leaders believed that historical injustices imposed upon their country could be corrected through international diplomacy. Consequently, Iran organized a diplomatic delegation to represent its interests in Paris. This research seeks to analyze the activities of the Iranian delegation through the lens of realism and unrealism. It investigates the extent to which Iranian objectives corresponded with national capabilities and international realities while also assessing the actual achievements and limitations of the delegation's mission. Materials and Methods This study employs a historical-analytical research methodology. Primary and secondary historical sources were examined to reconstruct the political context surrounding Iran's participation in the Paris Peace Conference. The analysis focuses on diplomatic correspondence, memoirs of delegation members, governmental records, conference documents, contemporary newspapers, and scholarly studies concerning Iranian foreign policy. The conceptual framework is based on the distinction between realism and unrealism in diplomatic practice. Realism is defined as the alignment between goals, resources, strategies, and external conditions. Unrealism, by contrast, refers to the pursuit of objectives that are incompatible with available means or with prevailing international realities. Through this framework, the study evaluates both the ambitions and achievements of the Iranian delegation. Research Findings The findings indicate that Iranian diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference was shaped by several interconnected factors. First, Iranian policymakers displayed an incomplete understanding of the international balance of power. Many believed that the principles of self-determination and international justice would override the strategic interests of major powers. This assumption encouraged ambitious territorial claims that sought the restoration of territories historically associated with Iran. Second, excessive optimism existed regarding emerging international actors. Many Iranian elites viewed the United States as a defender of small nations and expected substantial support from President Wilson. Similarly, some believed that Soviet Russia's anti-imperialist rhetoric would translate into practical assistance for Iranian interests. These expectations ultimately proved unrealistic. Third, Iranian nationalism played a significant role in shaping diplomatic demands. Historical memories of territorial losses to Russia and the Ottoman Empire encouraged proposals for border revisions and territorial restitution. While these claims possessed historical foundations, they lacked practical feasibility within the geopolitical environment of 1919. Fourth, severe domestic weaknesses limited Iran's bargaining power. Political instability, financial insolvency, administrative inefficiency, military weakness, and dependence on foreign assistance significantly constrained the country's diplomatic effectiveness. Nevertheless, the delegation achieved several important successes. It enhanced international awareness of Iran's political status, promoted recognition of Iranian sovereignty, facilitated future membership in the League of Nations, and generated international discussion regarding foreign intervention in Iranian affairs. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The evidence demonstrates that the Iranian delegation's activities reflected a combination of realistic and unrealistic diplomatic approaches. On one hand, demands concerning sovereignty, independence, and international recognition corresponded to legitimate national interests and represented realistic objectives. On the other hand, expectations regarding territorial restoration, reparations, and support from major powers often exceeded what the international environment could accommodate. The delegation's failure to secure participation in formal decision-making processes and its inability to achieve territorial revisions illustrate the limitations of idealistic diplomacy when unsupported by adequate political, military, and economic power. At the same time, the mission's contribution to the international recognition of Iran should not be underestimated. This study, therefore, rejects interpretations that portray the Paris mission solely as a failure. Instead, it argues that the delegation produced meaningful diplomatic outcomes despite its inability to achieve its most ambitious objectives. The Iranian experience in Paris illustrates the enduring importance of balancing national aspirations with realistic assessments of power, capability, and international circumstances. Ultimately, this case highlights a recurring challenge in Iranian foreign policy: the need to reconcile historical memory, nationalist aspirations, and idealistic expectations with the practical constraints imposed by domestic weaknesses and international power politics. The lessons of the Paris Peace Conference remain relevant for understanding the dynamics of Iranian diplomacy in both historical and contemporary contexts. دیپلماسی ایرانی از دوران جدید تا به امروز به‌دلیل عوامل چندی، مانند نداشتن درک درست از سیاست جهانی، سایۀ سنگین تاریخ و البته آرمان‌گرایی و ایدئولوژی‌گرایی دچار آسیب ناواقع‌گرایی و ناواقع‌اندیشی بوده است. واقع‌گرایی در سیاست خارجی، بر ضرورت تناسب میان اهداف و راهبردها، انطباق منابع با توانایی‌ها و کنشگری مبتنی‌بر این مؤلفه‌ها دلالت دارد و در مقابل، ناواقع‌گرایی بر اختلاف و نداشتن تناسب بین اهداف و راهبرد‌ها در دیپلماسی دلالت دارد. کنفرانس صلح پاریس نمونه و مصداقی از تقابل و تعارض بین واقع‌گرایی و آرمان‌گرایی در سیاست‌گذاری و تصمیم‌سازی در عرصۀ دیپلماسی ایرانی بوده است. ایران پس‌از جنگ اول جهانی با انبوهی از شکست‌ها و اشغالگری‌ها و مشکلات متعدد اقتصادی و اجتماعی چشم به دنیای فردای پس‌از جنگ و برآمدن نهادهای بین‌المللی حامی ملت‌ها دوخته بود؛ ازاین‌رو، هیئتی را به کنفرانس صلح پاریس اعزام کرد تا این کنفرانس را به میدان کنشگری دیپلماتیک خود مبدل سازد. این مقاله با روش تحلیل تاریخی برآن است این پرسش را به بوتۀ تحلیل قرار دهد که کنشگری هیئت ایرانی در کنفرانس صلح از دیدگاه واقع‌گرایی و ناواقع‌گرایی چگونه تحلیل می‌شود؟ و دستاوردهای آن را از این چشم‌انداز چگونه می‌توان ارزیابی کرد؟ دستاوردهای پژوهش بیان‌کنندۀ آن است که حضور هیئت ایرانی در کنفرانس برخلاف ادعای بسیاری از پژوهندگان بدون دستاورد نبوده است. حضور در کنفرانس زمینۀ ورود ایران به جامعۀ جهانی را فراهم ساخت. حاکمیت ملی و استقلال کشور را به نهادهای بین‌المللی و کشورهای بزرگ جهان قبولاند. هرچند درزمینۀ امید به کنفرانس و قدرت‌های نوظهور خوش‌بینی غیرواقعی وجود داشته و استرداد سرزمینی و تغییرات مرزی از آرمان‌گرایی ایرانیان منشأ می‌گرفت.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30502_a73bcf97f3b6fc5f25a0147fd5ffa0c4.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 A Comparative Re-examination of the Political and Economic Functions of the Munya in Egypt and al-Andalus بازخوانی تطبیقی کارکردهای سیاسی- اقتصادی مُنیَه در مصر و اندلس 35 49 30548 10.22108/jhr.2026.148306.2908 FA الهام امینی کاشانی استادیار، گروه مطالعات غرب جهان اسلام، بنیاد دائره المعارف اسلامی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 02 08 Abstract The munya was one of the most significant spatial institutions of the medieval Islamic world. Generally referring to extra-urban estates that combined residential buildings, gardens, and agricultural lands, munyas appeared across different regions of the Islamic world and developed distinctive characteristics according to local political, economic, and environmental conditions. Although the term possessed a shared conceptual foundation, its practical functions varied considerably from one region to another. This study offers a comparative re-examination of the political and economic functions of the munya in two major regions of the medieval Islamic world, namely Egypt and al-Andalus. Drawing upon historical chronicles, geographical works, biographical dictionaries, administrative records, and literary texts, the study investigates the evolution of munyas and their role within broader structures of power, economy, and society. The central question addressed here is how munyas functioned in medieval Egypt and al-Andalus and to what extent their political, economic, and social roles converged or diverged. The study argues that while munyas in both regions shared common agricultural and residential foundations, they evolved differently due to variations in state formation, administrative organization, environmental conditions, and political ideology. Consequently, munyas in Egypt became increasingly integrated into administrative and fiscal structures, whereas in al-Andalus they acquired a stronger symbolic, ceremonial, and ideological significance. Keywords: Munyah, Islamic World, Egypt, Andalusia, Economic and Political Function. Introduction The study of space and landscape has become an important approach in understanding political and social structures in premodern societies. Within the Islamic world, the munya represents a particularly revealing example of the interaction between space, authority, economy, and culture. While commonly translated as a rural estate, suburban residence, or pleasure garden, the munya was often much more than a simple agricultural property. It functioned as a multifunctional institution that could combine agricultural production, elite residence, political representation, administrative management, and social activity. Previous scholarship has examined individual examples of munyas, especially in al-Andalus, where they are frequently associated with Umayyad court culture, landscape architecture, and agricultural innovation. Egyptian munyas, however, have received comparatively less scholarly attention and are often discussed only incidentally within broader studies of medieval Egyptian administration and settlement patterns. Moreover, few studies have undertaken a systematic comparison between the two regions despite the existence of substantial evidence in medieval Arabic sources. This study seeks to fill this gap by conducting a comparative analysis of munyas in Egypt and al-Andalus. It aims not only to identify similarities and differences in their functions but also to explore the ways in which a shared institutional concept was adapted to distinct historical circumstances. Such an investigation contributes to broader discussions concerning the relationship between political authority, economic organization, and the production of space in the medieval Islamic world. Materials and Methods This research employs a historical-comparative methodology. The analysis is based primarily on medieval Arabic sources dating from the third/ninth to the ninth/fifteenth centuries. These include chronicles, geographical dictionaries, fiscal and administrative texts, biographical collections, and literary works. Major sources consulted include al-Maqrizi, Ibn Jiʿan, Yaqut al-Hamawi, Ibn Taghribirdi, Ibn Hayyan, Ibn Saʿid al-Maghribi, al-Maqqari, Ibn ʿIdhari, and other medieval authors. References to munyas were systematically collected and categorized according to chronology, geographical location, ownership, economic activities, agricultural functions, political uses, and social roles. The collected data were then analyzed comparatively to identify patterns of continuity and divergence between Egypt and al-Andalus. Because surviving evidence is uneven and often fragmentary, the study focuses on documented examples preserved in extant Arabic sources. Nevertheless, the available material provides sufficient evidence to reconstruct the major characteristics and historical significance of munyas in both regions. Research Findings The evidence demonstrates that the munya developed into a multifunctional institution in both Egypt and al-Andalus, although the balance among its functions varied significantly. In Egypt, munyas initially appeared as suburban residences and agricultural estates associated with rulers, military commanders, and administrative elites. Their proximity to the Nile and major irrigation networks facilitated agricultural production and ensured access to water resources. Over time, particularly during the Mamluk period, many munyas became integrated into fiscal and administrative structures. Their revenues were often connected to state finances, endowments, or the iqtaʿ system. Some estates supplied agricultural products directly to royal households, while others generated income for educational, charitable, or religious institutions. Consequently, munyas became important components of Egypt’s agrarian economy and administrative infrastructure. The evidence further suggests that Egyptian munyas served broader social functions. Weekly markets, commercial activities, and public gatherings were often associated with these estates. Certain munyas evolved beyond their original residential-agricultural character and gradually developed into permanent settlements or urban nuclei. Their role within transportation routes and regional economic networks also contributed to their long-term significance. In al-Andalus, munyas likewise functioned as productive agricultural estates, but their historical development reveals additional dimensions. The Umayyad rulers of Cordoba actively employed munyas as instruments of political representation and dynastic legitimacy. The celebrated Munyat al-Rusafa, established by ʿAbd al-Rahman I, exemplifies this process. By recreating elements associated with Umayyad Syria, the estate symbolically linked the Andalusi Umayyad regime to its eastern origins and projected continuity with the former Umayyad Caliphate. Andalusi munyas also served as sites of courtly culture, literary gatherings, elite sociability, hunting expeditions, diplomatic receptions, and ceremonial activities. Foreign envoys, political refugees, and distinguished guests were frequently accommodated in such estates. Their carefully designed landscapes, sophisticated water systems, and ornamental gardens reinforced their symbolic value as expressions of royal authority and cultural refinement. Agriculture remained a central component of Andalusi munyas. Many estates functioned as centers of agricultural experimentation and innovation. The introduction of new crops, the adaptation of eastern plant species to Iberian conditions, and the development of advanced irrigation systems contributed to the agricultural prosperity of al-Andalus. In this respect, munyas played a significant role not only in economic production but also in the transmission and application of scientific and technical knowledge. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The comparative evidence confirms that the munya cannot be understood merely as a palace, garden, or agricultural estate. Rather, it constituted a flexible spatial institution whose functions were shaped by regional political and economic structures. In Egypt, especially from the Mamluk period onward, munyas became increasingly embedded within administrative and fiscal systems. Their close association with agricultural production, taxation, irrigation management, and state revenues transformed them into important components of governmental administration. The economic dimension of the institution gradually overshadowed its ceremonial role, and many munyas evolved into stable settlements integrated into broader regional networks. In contrast, Andalusi munyas maintained a stronger connection to political symbolism and court culture. Although they remained productive agricultural units, they simultaneously functioned as stages upon which rulers displayed authority, legitimacy, and cultural sophistication. Their architecture, gardens, water features, and ceremonial uses communicated messages of power and dynastic continuity. Through these estates, the Umayyad rulers of al-Andalus articulated a distinct political identity that linked them symbolically to the eastern Islamic world while emphasizing their independent caliphal status. The comparison therefore highlights the adaptability of Islamic spatial institutions. Despite sharing common conceptual origins, munyas acquired different meanings and functions according to local conditions. In Egypt they became closely associated with resource management and administrative organization, whereas in al-Andalus they emerged as powerful instruments of political representation and cultural expression. This divergence demonstrates how similar institutional forms could evolve in different directions within the broader framework of Islamic civilization. مُنیَه در جهان اسلام به فضاهایی گفته می‌شد که معمولاً در خارج از شهرها و در کنار منابع آب ساخته می‌شدند و ترکیبی از اقامتگاه، باغ و زمین کشاورزی بودند. این پژوهش به بازخوانی تحلیلی دادههای پراکنده در متون جغرافیایی، تاریخی و مالی دربارۀ مُنیَه در دو بستر مصر و اندلس می‌پردازد. مسئلۀ این پژوهش این است که مُنیَه در این دو سرزمین چه نقشی در ساختار قدرت، اقتصاد و فرهنگ داشته است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در مصر به‌ویژه از دورۀ عباسی تا ممالیک، مُنیَه‌ها بیشتر با نظام اداری، مالی و کشاورزی پیوند داشتند و نقشی مهم در مدیریت زمین، تولید و درآمد دولت ایفا می‌کردند. در مقابل در اندلس، افزون‌بر کارکردهای اقتصادی و کشاورزی، به فضاهایی برای نمایش قدرت سیاسی، تشریفات حکومتی، پذیرایی دیپلماتیک و فعالیت‌های فرهنگی تبدیل شدند. این تفاوت بازتابی از تفاوت ساختار دولت‌ها در مصر و اندلس است؛ چنان‌که در مصر دیوان‌سالار، مُنیَه بیشتر در خدمت ساختار دیوانی-کشاورزی قرار گرفت، درحالی‌که در اندلس خلافت‌محور، علاوه‌بر کارکرد کشاورزی و اقتصادی، بیشتر به ابزاری برای نمایش اقتدار و هویت سیاسی خلفا تبدیل شد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30548_0fc968e2f8234161e9a19a78d23df918.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 Reviving the Khorasan Highway under Shah ‘Abbas I: Preparing a Route for Pilgrimage on Foot احیای شاهراه خراسان در دورۀ شاه عباس اول؛ تمهید یک راه برای زیارت با پای پیاده 1 51 73 30549 10.22108/jhr.2026.148218.2912 FA نغمه اسدی چیمه دانشجوی دکتری دانشکده معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران زهرا اهری دانشیار دانشکده معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران حمیدرضا جیحانی دانشیار دانشکده معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 02 17 Abstract Shah ʿAbbas I held a profound devotion to the pilgrimage to Imam al-Rida. In 1010 AH (1601 CE), he traveled on foot from Isfahan to Mashhad to fulfill a religious vow. Contrary to the view of some scholars who regard this journey primarily as a symbolic gesture serving military and political objectives, the present study argues that the event was rooted in the Shah’s genuine religious convictions. Furthermore, it posits that this pilgrimage catalyzed the revival of the ancient Khurasan Road and enhanced its significance as a major pilgrimage route. This included reconstructing the Shah’s route and improving its stopping places and their facilities—measures that facilitated and promoted pilgrimage among the broader population. The reconstruction of the Shah’s route and the examination of the stopping places show that after this journey, Isfahan was connected to the old Khurasan highway through a shorter and safer road, enabling easier access to Mashhad, especially for the Shiʿis of the central regions of the Safavid realm. The findings also indicate that, in line with pilgrims' daily walking capacity, new stopping places were established or improved at suitable intervals. At each station, basic facilities were provided for the remaining travelers. In this way, during the reign of Shah ʿAbbas I, the Khurasan Road was transformed from a primarily communicative or military route into a pilgrimage route, laying the groundwork for the consolidation of Mashhad’s position as the leading pilgrimage center of the Safavid era. Keywords: Shah Abbas I, Khorasan Road, Mashhad, Pilgrimage on Foot, Staging Posts. Introduction Pilgrimage held great significance for the Safavids, especially for Shah Abbas I. Some scholars have attributed this importance to the intertwining of politics and religion during the Safavid period, emphasizing the ideological function of pilgrimage. However, historical accounts by Eskander Beg Monši indicate that Shah Abbas's numerous journeys to Mashhad were rooted not only in political legitimacy but also in his personal devotion to Imam Reza (AS). He sought the Imam's aid in times of illness and war and traveled to Mashhad in gratitude for victories, spending extended periods in worship and service to the shrine. His generosity included sweeping the shrine's carpets, donating jeweled chandeliers and precious rugs, and establishing extensive endowments. A notable event was his pilgrimage on foot from Isfahan to Mashhad in 1010 AH (1601 CE), undertaken to fulfill a vow after the reconquest of Khorasan. This journey, recorded by the court astronomer Mollā Jalāl, provided a detailed itinerary of the route and staging posts. It reflected the Shah's deep religious motivation and directly influenced subsequent improvements to the road, including new stations, caravanserais, qanats, and reservoirs, all aimed at facilitating future pilgrims. Despite its significance, few scholars have thoroughly examined this pilgrimage. Charles Melville's study, based on official chronicles, questioned the Shah's motives, suggesting possible political or military undertones and failing to accurately identify several staging posts. Caroline Mawer later integrated Melville's work with satellite data and field surveys, offering a more precise route map, yet she interpreted the infrastructure improvements primarily in a military context. Similarly, studies by Siroux and Kleiss viewed the road mainly as serving the Shah's recreational travel to Mazandaran, neglecting the needs of ordinary pilgrims. This study argues that Shah Abbas I's primary intent was to promote and sustain pilgrimage as a Shi'i ritual practice. His personal experience of traveling on foot led him to revive the ancient Khorasan highway, connecting Isfahan via a shorter, safer route through the central desert. He established appropriate facilities—rest stations, water supplies, and accommodations—suitable for pilgrims' daily walking capacity. This historical study draws on key sources, including the chronicles of Eskander Beg Monši, Mollā Jalāl's diary (which provides unique first-hand details of the 1010 AH journey), and other contemporary travel accounts, to demonstrate that the Shah's interventions transformed the Khorasan road from a purely military or connective route into a lasting pilgrimage infrastructure. Materials and Methods The present study employs a historical research method. Primary sources include Safavid chronicles such as Tārīkh-i ʿĀlam-ārā-yi ʿAbbāsī, Tārīkh-i Abbasi (Ruznameh-ye Molla Jalal), and Afżal al-Tavārīkh. Additional evidence is drawn from Islamic geographical texts, manuscript sources, travel accounts, and modern historical studies. Route reconstruction was conducted through comparative examination of textual and geographical evidence. Research Findings The findings of the study indicate that a substantial portion of Shah Abbas’s route followed the ancient Khorasan road. He established a new branch linking Isfahan directly to the highway via a shorter, safer route. In hazardous desert areas, especially across the central salt flats, he ordered the construction of paved roads, bridges, and guideposts. The study also shows that new stations were established at intervals matching pilgrims’ daily walking capacity. Caravanserais, ribats, qanats, and water facilities were either built or improved along the route. Furthermore, new settlements, such as Abbasabad, were founded to support travelers and pilgrims. Shah Abbas I, driven by his religious policies and personal belief in the pilgrimage to the eighth Imam of the Shi'a, sought to promote pilgrimage among the general public by preparing the Khorasan road. To this end, he attended to the road at various levels. His first fundamental measure—undertaken through the selection and traversal of the route—was to connect Isfahan to the ancient Khorasan highway via a shorter and safer path. This action enabled direct access from the capital and the central Shi'a-populated regions to Mashhad, thereby consolidating the position of this route within the Safavid communication network. At another level, drawing on his own experience of traveling on foot, Shah organized the route from Isfahan to Mashhad in accordance with the requirements of pedestrian travel. In hazardous areas, particularly in the central desert and salt flats, he ordered the construction of a paved road, appointed officials to oversee its execution, and personally supervised the process. He also established new stations at long intervals between staging posts, so that pilgrims could stop at distances appropriate to their daily walking capacity. These measures ranged from creating a solid platform over the salt flat to constructing caravanserais and even founding new settlements. Providing basic facilities at the staging posts was another of the Shah's initiatives, undertaken following his own journey on foot. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The findings of this study indicate that the pilgrimage of Shah Abbas I to Mashhad in 1010 AH (1601 CE) represented more than a personal act of piety and should be understood within the broader context of pilgrimage infrastructure development in Safavid Iran. Although the Khorasan road had long served as a major communication route linking central Iran with the eastern provinces, the evidence suggests that the Shah’s journey contributed significantly to its revitalization and adaptation for religious travel. The reconstruction of the route demonstrates that, following his pilgrimage, Shah Abbas implemented measures to improve access to the shrine of Imam Reza. These included establishing a shorter connection between Isfahan and the Khorasan road through Khwar, constructing and restoring caravanserais and ribats, creating additional stopping places, and providing water through qanats, wells, reservoirs, and ponds. Such measures closely align with the practical needs of pilgrims traveling on foot and reflect an awareness of the challenges posed by long distances and the arid environment of central Iran. The evidence further suggests that the Shah’s direct experience of the route influenced these initiatives. By reducing distances between stations, improving access to water, and providing safer facilities for travelers, the Safavid government transformed sections of the Khorasan Highway into a route better suited to large-scale pilgrimage. Consequently, access to Mashhad became easier for pilgrims from central Iran. In this respect, Shah Abbas’s pilgrimage can be regarded as a turning point in the development of the Khorasan road as a major pilgrimage route and in the expansion of pilgrimage culture in Safavid Iran. شاه عباس اول به زیارت حضرت رضا (ع) باور داشت. او در سال ۱۰۱۰ق برای زیارت و به‌قصد ادای نذر، مسیر اصفهان تا مشهد را با پای پیاده پیمود. برخلاف دیدگاه برخی پژوهشگران که این سفر را حرکتی نمادین در راستای اهداف نظامی و سیاسی دانسته‌اند، مقالۀ حاضر برآن است که نشان دهد این رویداد، برآمده از انگیزة دینی شاه و مقدمه‌ای بر احیای راه کهن خراسان و تقویت کارکرد زیارتی آن بود. مدعای اصلی پژوهش آن است که تجربۀ زیارت با پای پیاده توسط شاه، به مداخلاتی در امتداد راه، منزلگاه‌ها و امکانات آن‌ها انجامید؛ مداخلاتی که تسهیل و ترویج زیارت در میان عموم مردم را ممکن می‌کرد. این تحقیق با راهبرد تاریخی به انجام رسیده و داده‌های آن از متون جغرافیایی، تاریخ‌نامه‌ها و سفرنامه‌های دورة صفوی گردآوری شده است. بازسازی مسیر حرکت شاه و بررسی منزلگاه‌ها نشان می‌دهد که پس‌از این سفر، اصفهان ازطریق راهی کوتاه‌تر و ایمن‌تر به شاهراه کهن خراسان متصل شد و دسترس به مشهد به‌ویژه برای شیعیان نواحی مرکزی قلمرو صفوی فراهم آمد. یافته‌ها همچنین حاکی از آن است که به‌تناسب توان پیمایش روزانۀ زائران پیاده، منزلگاه‌های تازه‌ای در فواصل مناسب ایجاد یا تقویت شد و در هر منزل امکاناتی چون کاروان‌سرا، آب‌انبار، قنات و سکونتگاه‌های کوچک برای استراحت مسافران فراهم آمد. به‌این‌‌ترتیب، راه خراسان در عهد شاه عباس اول از کارکردی فقط ارتباطی یا نظامی به مسیری برای زیارت بدل شد و زمینة تثبیت جایگاه مشهد را به‌عنوان مهم‌ترین کانون زیارتی عصر صفوی فراهم ساخت.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30549_db5036c92c7aee1aeb71403e1e696bf8.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 Political-Religious Themes and Functions of Graffiti in Medieval Iran with Emphasis on the 4th to 8th Centuries AH مضامین و کارکردهای سیاسی- مذهبی دیوارنویسی در ایران سده‌های میانه؛ با تأکید بر قرون چهارم تا هشتم هجری قمری 75 93 30585 10.22108/jhr.2026.148448.2917 FA امامعلی شعبانی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران فاطمه گنجیان مشهدسرایی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 02 25 Abstract Graffiti (wall writing) constituted one of the most significant forms of mass communication in pre-modern societies, serving not only cultural and social functions, but also playing a pivotal role in the political and religious spheres. Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and drawing on historical, literary, and geographical sources from the 4th to the 8th centuries AH (10th to 14th centuries CE), this study examined the political-religious themes and functions of wall writings in Iran and the territories associated with the Iranian cultural sphere. The central research question concerned the role that graffiti played in representing, transmitting, and consolidating political and religious concepts during this period. The findings indicated that wall writings were not merely a means of disseminating information; rather, as a public medium, they served to reflect sectarian conflicts, articulate political and religious stances, legitimize ruling authorities, delegitimize rivals, and mirror contemporary political events. An analysis of historical cases revealed that religious groups—particularly Shiites and Sunnis—employed graffiti to promote doctrinal beliefs, defend religious identity, and confront opposing factions. Likewise, governments and political actors utilized this tool to project power, reinforce authority, and shape public opinion. In conclusion, wall writings can be regarded as an integral component of the political and religious communication system in medieval Islamic society, which, alongside official sources, offers valuable insights into the intellectual, social, and political developments of the era. Keywords: Graffiti, Slogan Writing, Political Power, Legitimacy, Medieval Iranian History. Introduction As a form of propaganda and an effective medium, Graffiti has a history as long as human civilization itself and continues to play a role in our own time. By inscribing slogans on the walls of public or private spaces, individuals conveyed messages to society—messages that sometimes became the catalyst for significant social and political transformations. This efficacy stemmed largely from the fact that, in pre-modern times, the tools and means of mass communication available today did not exist. Graffiti thus served as a vehicle for expressing beliefs and viewpoints that encompassed political, religious, social, and even economic motivations. These inscriptions are observable throughout the urban landscape and in key centers of public interaction, including mosques, palaces, hospices (ribāṭs), caravanserais, schools, bathhouses, and similar communal spaces. Despite the significance of the subject, no independent study has thus far been devoted to it. Although a few essays have touched upon these wall writings, they have done so only in passing and the topic has never received sustained attention as a distinct research area. Among the limited existing works is the article "An Analysis of Graffiti in the Pirbakran Shrine in Isfahan from the Ilkhanid to the Qajar Period", which, while focusing on Pirbakran Shrine, merely presents a brief supplicatory inscription from the Ilkhanid era (Shahmandi & Shahidani, 2012/1391, p. 54). Another work is the book The Wall Writings of the Khargird School, which concentrates on this particular institution and the 9th century AH, yet addresses graffiti in Iranian history only in broad outline (Mashhadi Rafiʿ & Khezri, 2025, pp. 23–28). The entry "Wall Writings" in the Encyclopaedia of the World of Islam (Khaleqi Hamedani, 2010) remains general and very brief with its examples drawn primarily from recent centuries. A number of other studies have similarly focused solely on introducing the wall writings found at shrines and tombs of notable figures and mystics from the last few centuries (Khaleqi Hamedani, 2010, pp. 29–31). Analytical works, meanwhile, are mainly confined to articles and, more notably, are oriented toward wall writings related to the history of the Islamic Revolution. Among these, one may cite "A Study of Tendencies and Cross-Cultural Analysis of Graffiti: The Silent Discourse" (Tahririan & Moradi Moqaddam, 2014), "Wall Writings of the Islamic Revolution Era: A Study Based on the Linguistic Landscape Approach" (Qoli Famian, 2023), and "Revolutionary Graffiti: A Source for Deepening the Historiography of the Islamic Revolution" (Saberi, 2022)—the last of which, in a conspicuous error, traces the history of graffiti in Iran back only to the Constitutional era (Saberi, 2022, p. 171). Additionally, Fatemeh Mahmoudi Khoygani's thesis entitled "Propaganda and Its Role in the Sectarian and Religious Conflicts of Seljuk Iran" (2017) is limited to presenting a few pieces of data on Seljuk-era wall writings, themselves extracted from the historical sources of that period. In this context, the present inquiry sought to address the following question: what political-religious themes and functions did graffiti embody during the medieval centuries of Iranian history? To this end, the study adopted a descriptive-analytical approach. Materials & Methods This research examined the subject through a descriptive-analytical method, drawing on historical, literary, and geographical sources from the 4th to the 8th centuries AH (10th to 14th centuries CE) to investigate the political-religious themes and functions of wall writings in Iran and the territories falling within the Iranian cultural sphere. Research Findings The findings of this study demonstrated that the politico-religious functions of graffiti could be classified into 4 principal categories: first, reflection and intensification of sectarian conflicts between Shiites and Sunnis; second, declaration and propagation of the political and religious stances of governments, groups, and individuals; third, legitimization or delegitimization of political authority; and fourth, mirroring of contemporary political events, crises, and transformations. In this sense, walls served as an arena for the contestation of political and religious discourses—a space in which governments, elites, and social groups could project their desired narratives of power, religion, and society. Historical evidence further suggested that reactions to this medium of information dissemination—as well as propaganda and protest—were varied. On the one hand, the survival of certain wall writings and their subsequent citation in later centuries appeared to indicate a relative lack of political sensitivity toward them and even a degree of public tolerance for their continued presence. This was particularly noteworthy in cases where the inscriptions conveyed educational or moral messages intended for society at large, especially for the youth. However, in the case of politically or religiously charged slogans inscribed on the walls of public spaces, we encountered a much more intense and often violent response—ranging from sectarian disputes to outright armed conflict and bloodshed. Such confrontations sometimes occurred between rival factions or denominations, while governmental intervention at the macro level also played a significant role in either exacerbating or mitigating these tensions (for examples, see: Ibn Athīr, 1371/1992, vol. 20, pp. 256–257; Ibn Miskawayh, 1376/1997, vol. 5, p. 246; Ibn al-Jawzī, 1412, vol. 7, p. 7). In any case, the historical sources from this period frequently mentioned the writing and erasure of numerous wall inscriptions bearing political or religious themes. Moreover, we sometimes encountered a kind of interactive writing—such as question-and-answer exchanges or even marginal commentary inscribed directly on the walls. For instance, Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī referred to a wall inscription in Arabic lamenting the misfortunes of the age. He then added that, in the year 303 AH, someone wrote beneath it: "The one who writes these lines has himself become a wanderer from his homeland, yet by God's grace, he remains hopeful." More subtly still, another individual engraved below both of these: "You speak the truth, you speak the truth—and I am aware of it" (al-Iṣfahānī, 1972, pp. 31–32; see also similar examples, ibid., pp. 45–46, 82). Discussion of Results & Conclusion An examination of the historical evidence indicated that graffiti in the medieval Islamic centuries was neither a merely individual act nor simply a tool for recording public notes; rather, it constituted one of the most important unofficial media for the transmission of political and religious messages. The prevalence of this phenomenon in major cities and politico-religious centers—particularly during periods marked by sectarian rivalries, legitimacy crises, and widespread political upheaval—attested to the significance of wall writings in shaping public opinion and articulating social conflicts. The findings of this research demonstrated that the politico-religious functions of graffiti could be classified into 4 principal categories: first, reflection and intensification of sectarian conflicts between Shiites and Sunnis; second, declaration and propagation of the political and religious stances of governments, groups, and individuals; third, legitimization or delegitimization of political authority; and fourth, mirroring of contemporary political events, crises, and transformations. In this sense, walls served as an arena for the contestation of political and religious discourses—a space in which governments, elites, and social groups could project their desired narratives of power, religion, and society. This research further demonstrated that wall writings as part of the "public political culture" of society, offer researchers information that has not been reflected in many official sources. Consequently, the study of graffiti can play a significant role in reconstructing the social history, the history of political thought, and the history of religious relations in medieval Iran. Ultimately, graffiti should be regarded as one of the manifestations of political communication in pre-modern societies—which, despite its apparent simplicity, has exerted a considerable influence on the production, transmission, and reproduction of power and politico-religious identities. Drawing inspiration from the approaches of cultural history and political communication, the present study conceived of graffiti not merely as writing inscribed on building surfaces, but as a form of public medium in pre-modern societies. In an era when mass communication in the modern sense did not exist, the walls of mosques, schools, bazaars, cemeteries, and government buildings served as platforms for the transmission of political and religious messages. The findings of this research indicated that graffiti in medieval Islamic Iran must be regarded as a politico-religious medium that, in the absence of modern communication tools, has played a significant role in the circulation of information, shaping of public opinion, and representation of power relations. Walls have not been simply surfaces for recording texts; they have become an arena for the contestation of political and religious discourses—a space in which governments, scholars, religious groups, and political opponents have vied to place their desired narratives of religion, power, and society on public display. As such, wall writings can be considered part of the political communication system and the public culture of medieval societies. Their study enables a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of power, legitimacy, resistance, identity formation, and intellectual and political conflict. دیوارنویسی از مهم‌ترین شیوه‌های ارتباط‌جمعی در جوامع گذشته به‌ شمار می‌رفت که افزون‌بر کارکردهای فرهنگی و اجتماعی، در عرصه سیاست و مذهب نیز نقشی مؤثر ایفا می‌کرد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی توصیفی- تحلیلی و با تکیه بر منابع تاریخی، ادبی و جغرافیایی سده‌های چهارم تا هشتم هجری، به بررسی مضامین و کارکردهای سیاسی- مذهبی دیوارنوشته‌ها در ایران و سرزمین‌های مرتبط با حوزه تمدن ایرانی می‌پردازد. مسئله اصلی پژوهش آن است که دیوارنویسی در این دوره چه نقشی در بازنمایی، انتقال و تثبیت مفاهیم سیاسی و مذهبی داشته است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که دیوارنوشته‌ها صرفاً ابزار اطلاع‌رسانی نبوده‌اند، بلکه به‌عنوان رسانه‌ای عمومی در بازتاب منازعات فرقه‌ای، اعلان مواضع سیاسی و مذهبی، مشروعیت‌بخشی به حکومت‌ها، مشروعیت‌زدایی از رقیبان و انعکاس رویدادهای سیاسی ایفای نقش کرده‌اند. بررسی نمونه‌های تاریخی نشان می‌دهد که گروه‌های مذهبی، به‌ویژه شیعیان و اهل‌سنت، از دیوارنویسی برای ترویج باورهای اعتقادی، دفاع از هویت مذهبی و تقابل با جریان‌های رقیب بهره می‌بردند. همچنین حکومت‌ها و کنشگران سیاسی از این ابزار برای تبلیغ قدرت، تثبیت اقتدار و جهت‌دهی به افکار عمومی استفاده می‌کردند؛ در نتیجه، دیوارنوشته‌ها را می‌توان بخشی از نظام ارتباطات سیاسی و مذهبی در جامعه اسلامی سده‌های میانه دانست که در کنار منابع رسمی، تصویری ارزشمند از تحولات فکری، اجتماعی و سیاسی آن دوره ارائه می‌دهند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30585_bf9033255482bfaf15350fa9edb1e9c0.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 18 3 2026 09 23 Zowzan Territories and Kharazmshahian’s Foreign Relationships ملوک زوزن و مناسبات خارجی خوارزمشاهیان 95 114 30511 10.22108/jhr.2026.148499.2919 FA علیرضا کریمی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران ناصر صدقی استاد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران عبدالرئوف نصیری جوزقانی استادیار گروه آموزش تاریخ دانشگاه فرهنگیان تهران ایران Journal Article 2026 03 16 Abstract This research aims to study the Zowzan territories and the role they can play in the foreign relations of the Kharazmshahian. Zowzan-e-Khaf was one of the greatest cities of the Khwarazmshahian state. Zowzan territories were among the greatest territories in the Kharazmshahian period. They played a considerable role in the political development of the Kharazmshahian. The main question of the research is: "What role did the Zowzan territories play in foreign relations and political events during the Kharazmshahian era?" The research was conducted as a library study using a descriptive-analytical method. The research results indicate that Zowzan, located at the intersection of Harat, Neishabour, Quohestan, and Firouzkouh, was of importance for Kharazmshahian, who wanted to dominate Khorasan and the southern part of Iran. Dominating the economic and commercial interests of Quohestan, of which Zowzan, Tun, and Gonabad were important centres, were the centres of cotton and silk fabrics production, and important trade routes passed through them, which was considered one of the strategic policies of the Kharazmshahian and Ghourian. Kharamshahian succeeded in both diminishing the Ghourian control in Zowzan and dominating Salghari Atabakis in Fars by occupying Kerman. In addition, they spread out their territories from the Persian Gulf to the Oman Sea and got more financial supplies. Keywords: Zowzan, Zowzan Territories, Kharazmshahian, Foreign Relationships, Khorasan. Introduction Zowzan -e-Khaf was one of the greatest cities of the Kharazmshahian state, whose Zowzan territories played an important role in the politics of that era. Today, Zowzan is a village in the Zowzan district of the city of Khaf in the Razavi Khorasan province. The location of the Zowzan highway, which was located between the important centres of Khorasan at that time, namely Herat and Nishabur, Quohestan and Firouzkouh in the province of Ghour, was of great importance to the Kharazmshahian who intended to dominate Khorasan and the territory of the Ghourian. Zowzan was also considered the gateway to Kerman and dominated the coasts of the Sea of Oman, and with the help of Zowzan territories, the Kharazmshahian could exert influence on the Salghari Atabakis in Fars by occupying Kerman and the southern coasts. The Kharazmshahian always supported the Zowzan territories. This research aims at studying the Zowzan territories and the role they can play in policy and foreign relationships of the Kharazmshahian and the reasons and methods for this role-playing. Despite the fact that the architectural and artistic works of the Zowzan territories of the Kharazmshahian era have received much attention from archaeologists and experts, Zowzan territories and their role and position in the history of the Kharazmshahian era are among the topics that have received less attention from researchers. Therefore, the purpose of the present study, in addition to introducing Zowzan territories, is to examine and explain their role in foreign relations and political developments of the Kharazmshahi era. In this regard, the reasons and methods for the interactions of the Kharazmshahian with Zowzan territories, the ups and downs and challenges of the role-playing of Zowzan territories, and the consequences and achievements of this role-playing in the aforementioned era have been explained. Materials and Methods The research was conducted as a library study using a descriptive-analytical method. To introduce the Zowzan territories and the foreign relations of the Kharazmshahian, historical sources from the Kharazmshahian and Ilkhanid era, such as the works of Jaozejani, Nasavi, Ibn Athir, Jovaini, and Shabankaraei, as well as local histories of Khorasan and Kerman, such as the works of Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, Afzal al-Din Abu Hamed Kermani, and Seifi Heravi, and the work of Qhafas Oghli, were used. Research Findings The research results indicate that the Zowzan territories ruled over Kerman with Zowzan as the centre, and, while overseeing the power relations in Khorasan, managed the expansionist goals of the Kharazmshahian in the southern half of Iran. The Kharazmshahian were indebted to the Zowzan territories for their territorial expansion, domination over Herat, conquest of Ghour, influence over Quohestan, occupation of Kerman, domination over Solghori Atabakis in Fars, and Shabankareh, Hormoz, and Sistan territories, and consequently, the trade routes and benefits. The Zowzan territories, representing the Kharazmshahian, exerted influence over the southern half of Iran up to the borders of Send and Makkoran through Kerman. Discussion of Results and Conclusions During the Kharazmshahian era, Zowzan was a vassal of Nishabour, whose rulers ruled Kerman with Zowzan as their centre and supervised the developments and power relations in Khorasan, while managing the expansionist goals of the Kharazmshahian in the southern half of Iran. In fact, by reviving and establishing new centres of power in Khorasan, including Zowzan, the Kharazmshahian tried to establish a balance of power in Khorasan and also create new loyalties for their government, while controlling their family rivals, and pursuing their expansionist goals in Khorasan and the southern and western half of Iran. The Kharazmshahian owed their territorial expansion and domination over Herat, overpowering the Ghourian, exerting influence on Quohestan, capturing Kerman, and dominating Atabkan in Fars and the Shabankare, Hormoz, and Sistan territories, and as a result, the trade routes and their benefits, to the Zowzan territories. The Zowzan territories, on behalf of the Kharazmshahian, used to influence the southern half of Iran up to the Send and Makkoran through Kerman, and sent huge financial resources to the Kharazmshahian from monitoring its trade. Also, from these revenues, they left behind a valuable architectural and civilizational heritage in Zowzan -e-Khaf. In the end, the authority of the Zowzan territories ended with the Mongol attack. در پژوهش حاضر ضمن معرفی ملوک زوزن، نقش آن‌ها در مناسبات خارجی خوارزمشاهیان تبیین شده است. زوزنِ خواف از ولایات بسیار مهم خوارزمشاهی بود. ملوک زوزن نیز ازجمله مهم‌ترین ملوک خوارزمشاهی بودند. آن‌ها در تحولات سیاسی دورۀ خوارزمشاهی نقش تأثیرگذاری داشتند. سؤال اصلی پژوهش عبارت است از اینکه «ملوک زوزن در مناسبات خارجی و وقایع سیاسی عصر خوارزمشاهیان چه نقشی داشتند؟» پژوهش به‌صورت کتابخانه‏ای با روش تاریخی با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی انجام شده است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که زوزن برای خوارزمشاهیان، که در پی تسلط بر خراسان و نیمۀ جنوبی ایران بودند، اهمیت فراوانی داشت؛ زیرا این شهر در مسیر شاهراه ارتباطی میان هرات، نیشابور، قهستان و فیروزکوه (ولایت غور) قرار گرفته بود. به همین منظور، خوارزمشاهیان با احیا مراکز جدید قدرت در خراسان، ازجمله در زوزن و ارتقا مقام ملوک زوزن، سعی کردند ضمن ایجاد موازنۀ قدرت در خراسان و ایجاد وفاداری‌های جدید برای حکومتشان، رقبای خانوادگی‌شان را مهار و اهداف توسعه‌طلبانۀ خود را در خراسان و نیمۀ ‌جنوبی ایران دنبال کنند. تسلط بر منافع اقتصادی و تجاری قهستان که زوزن، تون و گناباد از مراکز مهم آن و کانون تولید پارچه‏های پنبه‏‏ای و ابریشمی بود و مسیرهای مهم تجاری از آن‌ها می‏گذشت، از سیاست‏های راهبردی خوارزمشاهیان و غوریان محسوب می‏شد. خوارزمشاهیان موفق شدند توسط ملوک زوزن هم به حیات سیاسی غوریان خاتمه دهند و هم با تصرف کرمان، علاوه‌بر اعمال‌نفوذ بر اتابکان سلغری در فارس، حاکمیتشان را تا سواحل خلیج‌فارس و دریای عمان گسترش دهند و به منابع مالی جدیدی دست یابند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_30511_421567b7121a63653f36928701ca50a7.pdf