دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 The Representation of Shah Ismail I as the Ideal King: Khandmir’s Iranshahr Model in Habib al-Siyar for Legitimizing the Founder of the Safavid State بازنمایی شاه اسماعیل یکم به‌مثابه شاهِ آرمانی: الگوی ایرانشهریِ حبیب‌السیر خواندمیر در مشروعیت‌‌‌بخشی به بنیان‌گذار دولت صفوی 1 23 29406 10.22108/jhr.2025.143675.2738 FA امیر قدسی سیمکانی دانش آموخته کارشناسی‌ارشد تاریخ، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران ‌اهواز، اهواز، ایران علی قاسمی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید چمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران سعید موسوی سیانی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران Journal Article 2024 12 15 Abstract The Safavids ascended to power in Iran through the force of Qizilbash swords. However, as they aimed to establish a long-lasting rule, they introduced distinct cultural claims to legitimize their government. Historiographical texts served as crucial tools for producing and justifying political legitimacy in Iran, shaping the ideal image of the king and the state among the subjects. Habib al-Siyar by Khandmir, written during the precarious period of the Safavid state's foundation to secure its legitimacy, should be analyzed within this context. This study, using historical research methods and a descriptive-analytical approach, demonstrates that—contrary to some perspectives emphasizing the tripartite legitimacy of Shi'ism, Sufism, and Iranshahr ideology in Safavid-era historical texts—a reevaluation of Habib al-Siyar reveals that Khandmir, while acknowledging Shi'i and Sufi elements, placed particular emphasis on constructing an ideal Iranian king using the Iranshahr ideological model. The study substantiates this claim through several points: Khandmir’s pride in Shah Ismail’s noble lineage and the Safavid family, the portrayal of the founder as a charismatic ruler, and the comparison of Shah Ismail with Sasanian kings—highlighting qualities such as invincibility, the unity of religion and state, and messianic leadership. Notably, the dominance of Iranshahr themes in Khandmir’s thought does not imply the neglect of key Shi'i and Sufi elements; rather, these elements were integrated alongside Iranshahr concepts in the narrative framework of Habib al-Siyar. Keywords: Habib al-Siyar, Khandmir, Shah Ismail I, Ideal King, Iranshahr Ideology. Introduction The rise of the Safavid dynasty, the formalization of Shi‘ism as the state religion, the question of political legitimacy, the integration of religious scholars into the state structure, and the ideological conflicts with the Ottomans and Uzbeks were among the critical challenges that shaped the legitimacy of the Safavid rule. In response, contemporary historians employed various discursive tools from the Iranian cultural tradition to construct and justify the political legitimacy of the Safavid state. Khandmir was one of the most influential historians during this foundational period. Through his work Habib al-Siyar, he played a pivotal role in shaping the discursive order of the 10th century AH (16th century CE) and introducing new historiographical perspectives. Since Habib al-Siyar was commissioned by the Safavid rulers, it had to reflect their needs and aspirations. As a result, the portrayal of Shah Ismail I, the dynasty’s founder, became the focal point of this historical narrative. This study seeks to explore the key ideological foundations that Khandmir employed in crafting the image of Shah Ismail. The central research question examines the specific sources of legitimacy and political thought embedded in Khandmir’s depiction of the Safavid ruler. Contrary to the dominant view that emphasizes a tripartite legitimacy framework—Shi‘ism, Sufism, and Iranian political thought—this study argues that Khandmir, while acknowledging Shi‘i and Sufi elements, deliberately constructed Shah Ismail as an Ideal Iranian King by drawing upon the ancient Iranshahr model of kingship. Materials and Methods The concept of Iranian political thought finds its most pronounced expression in the Iranshahr ideology, which, after the advent of Islam, was revitalized through the transformation of the religious caliphate into a monarchical system. The political philosophy of ancient Iran rested on five foundational principles: the cosmic battle between good and evil, the divine order (asha), the utopian vision of an ideal state, the sacred connection between the ruler and the land, and the king as the executor of divine will and social harmony. The term Iranshahr tradition thus refers to the historical evolution of political thought in this context. At the heart of this tradition was the institution of kingship, with farr-e izadi (divine glory) serving as its most enduring element from pre-Islamic Iran to the Islamic era. The Ideal Iranian King possessed distinct attributes that set him apart from ordinary rulers. These included divine legitimacy, the embodiment of Iranshahr ideals—foremost among them justice and equity—the highest level of wisdom and virtue, the provision of security and prosperity, and noble lineage. To substantiate the claims of this study, the research methodology involves a systematic analysis of Habib al-Siyar, focusing on its Iranshahr elements in constructing Shah Ismail’s image as an Ideal Iranian King. Additionally, a comparative evaluation of Khandmir’s account with other contemporary Safavid sources, such as Futuhat-e Shahi and Jahangosha-ye Khakan, provides further insight into how the Iranshahr ideology dominated the historiographical representation of Shah Ismail. Research Findings The first mention of the Safavid lineage in Habib al-Siyar appears in the context of Shaykh Safi al-Din Ardabili, who is introduced among the scholars and spiritual figures of Sultan Abu Sa‘id’s Ilkhanid court, with an esteemed lineage tracing back to Imam Musa al-Kazim (AS). This historical framing reflects an overt sense of pride in the noble ancestry of the Safavid house—a crucial element in Iranshahr thought, where lineage played a fundamental role in establishing a ruler’s legitimacy. This emphasis on lineage in Habib al-Siyar presents a synthesis of two dimensions: the Safavid rulers as descendants of the Prophet (via their claimed Sayyid lineage) and as leaders of a mystical order (via their spiritual heritage). Furthermore, Habib al-Siyar, as a contemporary historical source, constructs an unmistakably charismatic image of Shah Ismail. Khandmir refers to him as Zill Allah (the Shadow of God), a title that underscores his divine mandate. Another essential aspect of this idealized image is Shah Ismail’s portrayal as an invincible warrior—both in hunting and on the battlefield. Much like the Zoroastrian deity Bahram, Shah Ismail is depicted as an undefeated champion. However, the devastating defeat at Chaldiran posed a significant challenge to this idealized image. Consequently, sources like Habib al-Siyar crafted a narrative that sought to minimize the impact of this military loss, ensuring that neither Shah Ismail’s personal charisma nor the legitimacy of Safavid rule suffered irreparable damage. In modern terms, this can be seen as a form of historiographical propaganda orchestrated by Khandmir. Additionally, Khandmir sought to reinforce the religious legitimacy of Shah Ismail as a Shi‘i ruler. By asserting that the rise of the Safavids was divinely ordained and that their rule strengthened the faith of the Prophet, Habib al-Siyar positions Shah Ismail within a sacred historical framework that intertwined religious destiny with political power. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Khandmir’s primary objective was to construct a historical narrative that would solidify the legitimacy of the Safavid state. To achieve this, he crafted an image of Shah Ismail that closely resembled the archetypal Ideal King of Iranshahr political thought. Nevertheless, Khandmir did not disregard the Shi‘i and Sufi elements essential to Safavid identity; instead, he skillfully integrated them within the broader Iranshahr ideological framework. His approach ensured that anyone who viewed Shah Ismail through the lens of Habib al-Siyar would see a ruler embodying multiple layers of legitimacy—religious, mystical, and historical. A comparative analysis of Khandmir’s descriptions with the traditional Iranian political vision of kingship reveals that while the Safavid ruler is presented in a Shi‘i and Sufi context, the deeper structural elements of his portrayal align with the Ideal Iranian King model. This study does not claim that Khandmir consciously and deliberately sought to revive pre-Islamic Iranian political thought in the same way that Ferdowsi or the Shu‘ubi movement did in earlier centuries. However, it suggests that the continuity of Iranian political philosophy persisted within the intellectual and cultural subconscious of the Safavid era. This enduring tradition, seamlessly interwoven with Islamic and Shi‘i political thought, played a crucial role in shaping Iran’s national identity from the Safavid period onward. صفویان با زور شمشیر قزلباشان بر اریکۀ قدرت ایران جلوس کردند؛ بااین‌حال به‌دلیل آنکه برپایی حکومت دیرپایی را در سر داشتند، دعاوی فرهنگی ویژه‌ای را درراستای مشروعیت بخشیدن به حکومتشان مطرح ساختند. متون تاریخ‌نویسی، ابزار مهم تولید و توجیه مشروعیت سیاسی در ایران بود که برای ترسیم جلوۀ مطلوبِ شاه و دولت در میان رعایای زیردست به کار برده می‌شد. در همین راستا می‌توان کتاب حبیب‌السیر خواندمیر را ارزیابی کرد که در بزنگاه مخاطره‌آمیز بنیان‌گذاری دولت صفوی و درراستای تضمین مشروعیت آن نگاشته شد. بر این اساس، این مقاله با روش مطالعات تاریخی و رویکرد توصیفی و تحلیلی نشان می‌دهد، برخلاف برخی نظرات که بر مثلث مشروعیت‌بخش شیعی، صوفیانه و ایرانشهری متون تاریخی عصر صفوی تأکید دارد، بازاندیشی و بازخوانی متن حبیب‌السیر چنین می‌نمایاند که خواندمیر در کنار توجه به عناصر شیعی و صوفیانه، نگاه ویژه‌ای به برساخت شاهی آرمانی ـ ایرانی با بهره‌گیری از الگوی اندیشۀ ایرانشهری داشته است. تفاخر بر تبار والای شاه و خاندان صفوی، ترسیم شخصیت فرهمند از بنیان‌گذار حکومت، تشبیه و الگوسازی بین شاه اسماعیل و پادشاهان ساسانی ـ‌یعنی شکست‌ناپذیری، اتحاد دین و دولت و منجی‌سازی‌ـ دلایل مقالۀ حاضر برای تأیید این ادعاست. شایان توجه است که سیطرۀ مضامین ایرانشهری بر ذهن خواندمیر، به معنای نادیده انگاشتن عناصر مهم شیعی و صوفیانه نیست؛ چراکه این مؤلفه‌ها در کنار مقولات اندیشۀ ایرانشهری در طرح‌اندازی‌های روایی حبیب‌السیر به کار گرفته شده است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29406_116870487fa3620d148eab37eaa88b04.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 The Educated families in Iran during the Seljuk period (431-590 AH) and the source of their power: Cultural Capital خاندان‌های علمی در ایرانِ عصرِ سلجوقی (590 ـ 431ق) و منبع قدرت آنان: سرمایۀ فرهنگی 1 25 44 29455 10.22108/jhr.2025.144477.2758 FA ستاره غفاری بیجار دانشجوی دکتری رشته تاریخ، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران ذکرالله محمدی دانشیار، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 02 23 Throughout the history of Iran during the Middle Islamic period, certain families consistently engaged in administrative, religious, and educational affairs. In the Seljuk era, educated families played pivotal roles across various social domains. These families were able to accumulate and transmit knowledge across generations, forming a lineage of educated individuals. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to provide a clearer definition of educated families during the Seljuk era, explore their geographical distribution throughout Iran, and identify the sources of their social power. The primary capital of these families is their cultural capital. By preserving this capital within the family and distinguishing themselves from others, they attained influence in three key areas: education, judiciary, and governance (Riyāsat). This influence did not always equate to political domination; rather, it manifested when families maximized their cultural capital and converted it into institutionalized cultural capital. While some members of these families, particularly those who ascended to governorships, engaged in political matters, such political involvement could have violent repercussions and likely resulted in a decline in their cultural capital. در تاریخ ایران در دورۀ میانه اسلامی همواره‌ خاندان‌هایی وجود داشتند که به امور مختلف دیوانی، شرعی و علمی می‌پرداختند. خاندان‌های علمی در عصر سلجوقی نقش‌های بسیاری در عرصه‌ها یا میدان‌های گوناگون اجتماعی بازی می‌کردند. این خاندان‌ها می‌توانستند برای چند نسل، علم‌اندوزی را در خاندان خود تداوم بخشند و این‌گونه خاندانی علمی را تشکیل دهند. پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی توصیفی‌ـ‌تحلیلی در پی بیان تعریفی دقیق‌تر از خاندان‌های علمی در عصر سلجوقی، چگونگی پراکندگی آنان در سرزمین ایران و یافتن منبع قدرت این خاندان‌های علمی در میدان‌های اجتماعی است؛ ازاین‌رو به نظر می‌رسد ازآنجایی‌که مهم‌ترین سرمایۀ این خاندان‌ها، سرمایۀ فرهنگی آنان است؛ در نتیجه با تلاش برای حفظ این سرمایه درون خاندان و ایجاد تمایز میان خاندان‌های علمی با سایرین، آنان می‌توانستند در سه میدان آموزشی، قضایی و ریاست به قدرت برسند. این قدرت همواره به معنی سلطه و یا قدرت سیاسی نبود؛ بلکه زمانی است که یک خاندان از بیشترین توان سرمایۀ‌ فرهنگی خود استفاده می‌کند و می‌تواند آن را به سرمایۀ‌ فرهنگی نهادینه‌شده‌ای تبدیل کند. برخی از افراد این خاندان‌ها، به‌ویژه آنان که به منصب ریاست بر شهرها می‌رسیدند، به دخالت در امور سیاسی تمایل داشتند؛ اما فعالیت سیاسی این خاندان‌ها می‌توانست گاهی برای آنان پیامدهای خون‌باری به همراه داشته باشد و چه بسا موجب کاهش سرمایۀ فرهنگی ایشان شود.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29455_b582ee0bac0ed54621528aeec7fa7fff.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 Analysis of the Discourse in Imam Hussein's Letters to the Kufans During the Ashura Event تحلیل گفتمان نامه‌های امام‌حسین(ع) به کوفیان در جریان واقعۀ عاشورا 45 64 29505 10.22108/jhr.2025.142919.2709 FA سودابه زاجکانی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ اسلام، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران هدیه تقوی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران 0000-0001-9242-4529 Journal Article 2024 09 28 Abstract The event of Ashura, occurring in the latter half of the first century AH, gave rise to a religious discourse and ideological framework that, while unequivocally denouncing the oppressive ruler, delineated the roles and attributes of the Imam as the legitimate leader of the community. This discourse, through fostering public consciousness and enlightenment, underscored the imperative of civic participation and accountability in relation to political authority. In its essence, it stood in fundamental opposition to the dominant ruling discourse, which, by invoking the theory of divine caliphate and emphasizing Arab traditions, sought to co-opt dissent and legitimize its hegemony by any available means. The discursive dissonance between these two paradigms provided fertile ground for the discursive confrontation between Imam Hussein (AS) and Yazid, a confrontation distinctly observable in the textual exchange of their respective letters. This study employs the discourse analysis framework of Laclau and Mouffe (2014)—who conceptualize discourse as extending beyond mere linguistic structures into the political, social, and cultural spheres—to critically examine the following two research questions: 1) How did the discursive conflict between Imam Hussein (AS) and Yazid unfold within the texts of Yazid’s letters to his governors and Imam Hussein’s letters to the people of Kufa? 2) Upon which nodal points and associated signifiers did each discourse endeavor to fix meaning and establish hegemonic authority? The findings of the study reveal that Yazid, under the guise of religious legitimacy, sought to consolidate his rule by invoking the theory of divine caliphate and emphasizing Arab traditions, endeavoring to align Imam Hussein (AS)—a central religious figure—with his regime. In stark contrast, Imam Hussein (AS), by firmly rejecting such overtures, emphasized the necessity of religious reform within governance. Consequently, the letters reveal the emergence of a justice-centered discourse rooted in authentic Islam, standing in direct opposition to Yazid’s power-centric aims predicated upon a distorted interpretation of Islam. Keywords: Letters of Imam Hussein (AS), the Kufans, Ashura, Discourse Analysis. Introduction The letters of Imam Hussein to the people of Kufa constitute some of the most significant historical and religious documents in Islamic heritage. They reflect Imam Hussein’s profound commitment to the Muslim ummah and his dedication to rectifying its affairs. Composed during a critical and volatile period preceding the event of Ashura, these letters responded to the persistent invitations from the Kufans, who sought Imam Hussein’s leadership against the Umayyad regime. According to primary historical sources, three such letters are recorded. A discourse analysis of these letters sheds light on Imam Hussein’s ideological position, clarifying his refusal to cooperate with Yazid’s governance and his intention to challenge it. By identifying the discourse embedded in these letters, a deeper understanding of Imam Hussein’s objectives and motivations during the Ashura movement can be achieved. Although a comprehensive analysis of the Imam’s motivations requires an examination of his broader oratory and actions, focusing on these primary historical documents allows for a study untainted by the political or sectarian biases that often permeate later historiography. This method provides a more objective basis for understanding the Imam’s decision to accept the Kufan invitation despite the grave risks involved. In gathering the letters of Imam Hussein (AS) to the Kufans, this study draws upon Shi'a historical and narrative sources up to the mid-fifth century AH. These sources are critical not only for their chronological proximity but also because they constitute the foundation upon which subsequent historiography was built. It is also essential to note that these letters were written in direct response to the Kufans' appeals. Given Imam Hussein’s character and his responsiveness to the needs of the Muslim community, such a reply was a natural and expected course of action. This pattern of responding to the requests of the people is consistently observable in the leadership styles of Imam Hussein and other Imams and merits independent research. The content of Imam Hussein’s letters is recorded in major primary sources such as al-Ṭabarī’s (1967) Tārīkh al-Rusul wa-l-Mulūk, which relies on Abu Mikhnaf’s accounts of the Karbala events — a source esteemed among both Shi'a and Sunni scholars. Abu Mikhnaf, citing eyewitnesses or near-eyewitnesses, provides a narrative closely aligned with the temporal context of Ashura. Moreover, these letters are not isolated reports transmitted by a single narrator; they are corroborated across multiple authoritative early sources, including al-Balādhurī’s Ansāb al-Ashrāf and al-Dīnawarī’s Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl. According to the principles of hadith criticism and historiography, when a report is consistently transmitted through multiple early independent sources, its credibility is greatly strengthened. Additional references to these letters appear in works such as Ibn Aʿtham’s (1990) al-Futūḥ and Shaykh Mufīd’s (1993) al-Irshād. The repeated citation of these letters in primary sources, combined with their thematic content emphasizing religious reform and guidance, strongly indicates their authenticity and justifies their selection for discourse analysis. Several studies have addressed the broader topic of Ashura. For instance, Ashura Studies Esfandiyari (2023) investigates the objectives of Imam Hussein’s uprising, categorizing various scholarly views and offering a structured presentation of each. Based on this research, seven theories concerning the Imam’s goals have been identified: 1) refusal of allegiance (defensive stance), 2) governance and martyrdom, 3) mystical martyrdom, 4) duty-bound martyrdom, 5) redemptive martyrdom, 6) political martyrdom, and 7) the establishment of governance. Esfandiari, in his treatment of Ashura’s objectives, explicitly asserts that Imam Hussein sought to establish justice and combat corruption, even at the cost of his own life and that of his family. Certain works have focused exclusively on the collection of Imam Hussein’s correspondence, including Makātīb al-Aʾimma by Ahmadi Mianji (2005), Makātīb al-Aʾimma by Sulaymanzadeh Afshar (2011), and Mawsūʿat Kalimāt al-Imām al-Ḥusayn (AS). Additionally, Hosseini’s (2016) The Letters of Imam Hussein (AS) offers a compilation and summary of these communications. Other research has engaged in content and structural analysis of the letters, such as Content Analysis of the Correspondences and Negotiations of Imam Hussein (AS) during the Ashura Uprising (Fattahi-Zadeh & Babazadeh, 2018) and Content of Imam Hussein’s Letters to His Opponents (Fakhraei & Namvar, 2022). The present study, by concentrating specifically on the letters addressed by Imam Hussein (AS) to the Kufans, seeks to extract and elucidate the discourse therein—one derived from the Imam’s religious and ideological vision during the Ashura uprising—set against the backdrop of the dominant hegemonic discourse propagated by the Umayyad regime within the Islamic society. Materials and Methods According to the discourse analysis methodology developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, all social phenomena can be examined and analyzed through discursive instruments. In this theoretical framework, elements and signifiers that do not naturally belong together are articulated into a new assemblage, thereby acquiring a new identity. The articulated concepts within a discourse are organized around a central signifier (nodal point), through which their meanings become stabilized. Within this discursive field, however, floating signifiers remain unsettled and ambiguous until they are fixed. In Laclau and Mouffe's (2014) theory, every discourse necessarily requires a competing discourse for its existence. Discourses are constituted through opposition and differentiation; thus, the identity of discourse is contingent upon the presence of the 'Other'. Consequently, discourses continually engage in the production of alterity. The concept of 'otherness' is inherently associated with the processes of foregrounding and marginalization. In this process, the signifiers and strengths of one’s own discourse are accentuated, while the signifiers and strengths of the opposing discourse are marginalized. Furthermore, the processes of exclusion and emphasis are critical factors in the establishment and decline of hegemonies. In discursive struggles, each discourse seeks to maintain and perpetuate its hegemonic position by highlighting its own strengths and the weaknesses of its rivals while downplaying its own weaknesses and the strengths of competing discourses. The processes of foregrounding and marginalization lead to the polarization of discursive chains and texts, structuring them around two poles: 'us' and 'them'. The positive pole is always aligned with 'us', and the negative pole with 'them'. The methodological model of Laclau and Mouffe’s (2014) discourse analysis can be briefly summarized in two main steps: Describing the discursive semantic system, identifying signifiers, articulations, and discursive fields. Investigating the theory of the discursive community, which involves analyzing the processes of foregrounding and othering between discourses, and exploring the interrelations among text, meaning, and social practices in the dynamics of exclusion, emphasis, and construction of otherness. In the present study, these two steps form the methodological foundation of the research. Research Findings A discourse analysis of Imam Hussein’s letters to the people of Kufa demonstrates his strategic endeavor to foreground his religious discourse while delegitimizing that of Yazid by delineating the corrupt nature of Yazid’s rule. Imam Hussein seeks to reinforce religious authority and divine guidance, asserting that the legitimate Imam is one who acts in accordance with the Qur'an and justice. Furthermore, he promotes the discourse of supporting truth and justice, presenting divine reward as immense for those who champion the truth and calling upon the Kufans to pledge their commitment to this cause. Throughout these letters, Imam Hussein challenges and seeks to marginalize Yazid’s discourse—founded upon oppression and corruption—while advancing a narrative centered on religious legitimacy and obedience to God. He underscores his close kinship with the Messenger of God (AS and his family) as a testament to his rightful religious authority and emphasizes key Islamic values such as “guidance” (hudā), “truth” (ḥaqq), “the covenant of God” (ʿahd Allāh), and “the tradition of the Messenger of God” (Sunnat rasūl Allāh). Simultaneously, he exposes and condemns the injustice and corruption characteristic of Yazid’s governance. In several instances, Imam Hussein also accentuates his political discourse by affirming his legitimate claim to the caliphate—a right that had been usurped from him and the Prophet’s family (Peace Be Upon Them). In doing so, he further undermines and sidelines the discourse of Yazid and the Umayyads. Discussion of Results and Conclusions This analysis ultimately leads to the conclusion that Imam Hussein’s letters to the Kufans are imbued with a robust religious discourse, illustrating that, for the Imam (AS), the primacy of truth superseded any pursuit of political power. His movement was fundamentally reformist, aimed at restoring the authentic principles of Islam, as he viewed Yazid’s government as a source of profound deviation from the true teachings of the Prophet. Significantly, these letters contain no indication that Imam Hussein’s objective was the mere acquisition of political authority; establishing a government inherently requires political and military preparations, including the mobilization of armed forces—an endeavor Imam Hussein notably did not undertake. Rather, he remained steadfast in emphasizing religious values and the deviation from them by Yazid, thereby striving to marginalize Yazid’s discourse while advancing his own religious narrative. Thus, this discourse analysis underscores that the event of Ashura should not merely be understood as a historical occurrence but as a profound transformation within the Islamic discursive tradition. واقعۀ عاشورا در نیمۀ دوم قرن اول هجری به ارائۀ گفتمان دینی و ایدئولوژی انجامید که در آن، ضمن تقبیح حاکم ستمگر، وظایف و ویژگی‌های امام را در مقام پیشوای مردم مطرح کرد. این گفتمان با آگاهی‌بخشی و روشنگری به مردم، بر مشارکت و مسئولیت‌پذیری آنان در مقابل دستگاه حاکمیت تأکید می‌کرد. چنین گفتمانی در اساس با گفتمان حاکمیت که در تلاش بود با استفاده از نظریۀ خلافت الهی و اهتمام به سنّت‌های عربی به هر طریق مخالفان را با خود همراه کند، در تقابل بود. ناهمسویی این گفتمان‌ها، بستر لازم را برای تقابل گفتمانی امام‌حسین(ع) و یزید‌ در متن نامه‌های آنان فراهم آورد. مقالۀ حاضر تلاش دارد با استفاده از روش تحلیل گفتمان لاکلا و موفه (Laclau & Mouffe, 2014) که گفتمان را فراتر از ساختار زبانی در عرصه‌های سیاسی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی دانسته، این پرسش‌ها را بحث و بررسی کند که تقابل گفتمانی امام‌حسین(ع) و یزید در متن نامه‌های یزید به والیان خود و نامه‌های امام‌حسین(ع) به کوفیان چگونه بود؟ تلاش هرکدام از گفتمان‌ها برای تثبیت معنا و هژمونی کردن گفتمان خود، براساس چه نقاط کانونی و دال‌های پیرامونی‌ صورت گرفت؟ یافتۀ پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که یزید‌ با استفاده از نظریۀ خلافت الهی و اهتمام به سنّت‌های عربی در ظاهری دینی تلاش کرد به هر طریقی امام‌حسین(ع) را به‌عنوان مرجع دینی با خود همراه کند و مشروعیت حاکمیت خود را استحکام بخشد؛ اما امام‌حسین(ع) با طرد چنین خواسته‌ای، بر اصلاح دینی حاکمیت تأکید کرد. نتیجۀ چنین تفکری در نامه‌ها، گفتمان عدالت‌محورانۀ مبتنی‌بر اسلام حقیقی را در مقابل هدف‌های قدرت‌طلبانۀ یزید که مبتنی‌بر اسلام انحرافی بود، نمایان ساخت.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29505_f38ada644d3918c7253d83c3a53f5c75.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 The Impact of Imam al-Sajjad’s (AS) Strategic Shift after the Tragedy of Karbala: A Comparative Study of the Scholarly and Political Activities of Imam Hasan’s Companions during the Sufyanid and Marwanid Periods تأثیر تغییر راهبرد امام سجاد(ع) پس‌از واقعۀ کربلا: مطالعۀ تطبیقی فعالیت‌‌های علمی و سیاسی یاران امام حسن(ع) در دورۀ سفیانی و مروانی 65 96 29539 10.22108/jhr.2025.143795.2741 FA فرزانه مداحان کارشناسی ارشد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران لیلا نجفیان رضوی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران Journal Article 2024 12 26 This study investigates the strategic shift initiated by Imam al-Sajjad (AS) following the tragedy of Karbala and analyzes its impact on the scholarly and political activities of Imam Hasan’s companions. Many of them lived through both the Sufyanid (41–64 AH) and Marwanid (64–132 AH) periods, making them a suitable group for assessing the long-term effects of this shift. Employing a frequency-based statistical analysis and drawing on early Islamic sources, this research identifies patterns in the evolution of their activities. The findings indicate a significant decline in political engagement and a marked rise in scholarly pursuits among the companions of Imam Hasan (AS) between 73 and 95 AH. This suggests that Imam al-Sajjad’s long-term strategy gradually influenced the companions’ orientation toward intellectual efforts. However, during the early Marwanid period (64–73 AH), the political climate of Kufa appears to have exerted a more immediate influence on their behavior than the Imam’s strategic direction. Keywords: Imam Sajjad (AS); Imam Hasan’s Companions; Political Activity; Scholarly Activity; Sufyanids; Marwanids. Introduction Many Shi‘i studies attribute the flourishing of intellectual activity during the eras of Imams al-Baqir (AS) and al-Sadiq (AS) to a strategic shift initiated by Imam al-Sajjad (AS) after the tragedy of Karbala. Among those who have addressed this view, Hosseinizadeh (2023) has notably expanded on it, characterizing the shift as a turning point in the strategic orientation of the Shi‘i Imams that laid the foundations for a politically and ideologically conscious community. Based on this premise, it is expected that with the transition from the Sufyanid period (41–64 AH) to the Marwanid period (64–132 AH), overt political activities among the Imams’ companions would have declined, while their scholarly pursuits would have increased. The central question of this study is: What impact did Imam al-Sajjad’s (AS) strategic shift have on the scholarly and political activities of the companions of Imam Hasan (AS), many of whom lived through both periods? This issue has not been independently examined. In the political sphere, previous research has largely focused on prominent individuals such as Ibn ‘Abbas or Hujr ibn ‘Adi. In the scholarly domain, studies are limited to a few descriptive works on Ibn ‘Abbas (Sadeqi et al., 2016) and two books by Baghestani (2017) and Bakhshi and Safari Furushani (2015), which only address partial aspects of these figures’ lives. This study seeks to fill that gap by comparing the companions’ scholarly and political engagement in order to evaluate the historical roots of a growing thesis in Shi‘i scholarship. Materials and Methods This research adopts a historical approach and employs a descriptive-analytical method based on frequency analysis of data. The data were extracted from early Islamic sources, including biographical dictionaries (kutub al-rijāl), general histories, and collections of individual biographies (tarājim). The companions’ activities were categorized into two domains: scholarly and political. Scholarly activities refer to proficiency in, or recognition for, engagement with one of the prevalent Islamic sciences of the period. Political activities are defined by alignment with, or opposition to, the Umayyad caliphate and are further classified into subcategories. The extracted data were organized into tables and analyzed quantitatively to identify patterns. The classification of individuals was based on their actual recorded behavior rather than solely on the year of death. A clear chronological boundary was set at 73 A.H, marking the consolidation of Marwanid power under ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān, which served as a turning point for the onset of scholarly activity in the Marwanid period. This methodology allows for a structured comparison between the scholarly and political trajectories of Imam Hasan’s companions across the Sufyanid and Marwanid periods. It also enables an empirical assessment of how Imam al-Sajjad’s (AS) strategic shift influenced their changing roles within the broader sociopolitical and intellectual landscape of early Islam. Research Findings The data analysis reveals three clear trends: Decline in Political Activities During the Sufyanid period, many companions of Imam Hasan (AS) were actively involved in protests, uprisings, and open opposition to Umayyad rule. However, following the consolidation of Marwanid authority after 73 AH, such political activities significantly declined. This decline was not only due to intensified political suppression but also reflected the gradual influence of Imam al-Sajjad’s (AS) strategic redirection. Increase in Scholarly Activities Alongside the decline in political activism, an increased inclination toward scholarly engagement emerged among the companions. Although the Marwanid period (73–95 AH) covered a shorter timeframe than the Sufyanid period (41–73 AH), the proportion of individuals involved as transmitters of hadith, scholars, jurists, authors, and historians noticeably increased. This intellectual development laid the groundwork for the later scholarly renaissance led by Imams al-Baqir and al-Sadiq (AS). Transitional Phase (64–73 AH) During this intermediate phase, the socio-political environment of Kufa continued to shape the behavior of the companions, and political involvement remained prevalent. Nevertheless, available evidence suggests that the teachings and strategic approach of Imam al-Sajjad (AS) had begun to exert a subtle but growing influence. These findings indicate a gradual but significant transformation in the orientation of the companions, shifting from political confrontation toward sustained scholarly contribution under the guidance of Imam al-Sajjad (AS). Discussion of Results and Conclusions This study confirms the pivotal role of Imam al-Sajjad (AS) following the tragedy of Karbala in redirecting the focus of Imam Hasan’s companions from overt political confrontation to scholarly engagement. By extracting, comparing, and historically analyzing the political and scholarly activities of these companions across the Sufyanid (41–64 AH) and Marwanid (64–132 AH) periods, the research demonstrates that this strategic shift—acting as a significant influencing factor—gradually led to a reduction in the frequency of certain political activities, eventually resulting in the complete disappearance of some of them during the Marwanid era. Although the political climate of Kufa gave rise to a new form of political expression in this later period, the overall decline in traditional political involvement is notable. Despite the shorter duration of the Marwanid period (73–95 AH), the smaller sample size, and the reduced variety of scholarly roles, a notable rise is observed in engagements in early Islamic intellectual and scholarly efforts. This scholarly growth, alongside the significant decline in political activism, supports the hypothesis that the strategic reorientation introduced by Imam al-Sajjad (AS) had a tangible impact on the conduct of Imam Hasan’s companions. باور به ریشه داشتن اوج‌‌گیری فعالیت‌‌های علمی عصر صادقین(ع) در تغییر رویکرد امام سجاد(ع) پس‌از واقعۀ کربلا در تحقیقات شیعی روبه‌گسترش است؛ ازاین‌رو در مقالۀ حاضر تأثیر تغییر راهبرد اتخاذشده از دورۀ امامت امام سجاد(ع) بر فعالیت‌‌های علمی و سیاسی یاران امام حسن مجتبی(ع) بررسی شده است که تعداد بسیاری از آنان دورۀ حاکمان سفیانی (41-64ق) و مروانی (64-132ق) را درک کردند. بر این اساس، انتظار می‌رود که در بررسی تاریخی عملکرد اصحاب امام حسن(ع) فعالیت‌‌های سیاسی مخالف با حاکمیت، در ضمن گذر به دورۀ مروانی به‌تدریج کاهشی و فعالیت‌‌های علمی آنان افزایشی باشد؛ ازاین‌رو برای فهم میزان تغییرات فعالیت‌‌های علمی و سیاسی یاران امام حسن(ع) در دو دورۀ سفیانی و مروانی از روش کمی، مبتنی‌‌بر اسلوب فراوانی‌‌سنجی استفاده شده ‌‌است. نتیجۀ پژوهش با در نظر داشتن فراوانی فعالیت‌‌های یاران امام(ع) در هر دوره، فضای سیاسی حاکم بر جامعه و نیز عملکرد کلی ائمه(ع) حاصل شده است. کاهش محسوس فعالیت‌‌های سیاسی و افزایش فعالیت‌‌های علمی در سال‌‌های 73 تا 95ق در مقایسه با دورۀ سفیانی، از تأثیر تدریجی تغییر راهبرد امام سجاد(ع) بر فعالیت‌‌های یاران امام حسن(ع) حکایت دارد. درحالی‌که به نظر می‌‌رسد در ابتدای دورۀ مروانی (64-73ق) فعالیت‌‌های سیاسی یاران امام(ع) بیشتر متأثر از فضای حاکم بر جامعه و به‌ویژه کوفه بوده است تا شیوۀ عمل امام سجاد(ع).

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29539_67a668ac69f2f47752a5c1ad5d685aad.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 Newspaper of “Eṫṫelā'āt" and News Coverage of Social Events of Women around the World during the Period of Pahlavi I (1304-1320) روزنامۀ اطلاعات و پوشش خبری رویدادهای اجتماعی زنان جهان در دورۀ پهلوی اول (1304-1320) 97 117 29729 10.22108/jhr.2025.145031.2783 FA محسن رحمتی استادگروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه لرستان، خرم‌آباد، ایران پریا خنجری عالم دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران دورۀ اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه لرستان، خرم‌آباد، ایران Journal Article 2025 05 03 Abstract The government of Pahlavi I characterized by an authoritarian political culture sought to transform the status of Iranian women. Recognizing the significance of the media in authoritarian regimes, the press was employed as an effective tool to achieve this goal. One such publication was “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper, which, in alignment with government policies, published articles on the social status of women in various Islamic and non-Islamic nations. This study employed a descriptive-analytical method to address the following questions: What were the objectives of “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper and how did it portray news related to women in other countries? The research findings indicated that “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper, while emphasizing traditional roles of women, aimed to inform Iranian women and stimulate movements advocating for social rights, including the right to vote, raising the legal marriage age, access to education, and women's employment opportunities. Keywords: "Eṫṫelā'āt" Newspaper, Women, Social Status, Pahlavi I. Introduction Leveraging the authoritarian political culture, the Pahlavi government sought to consolidate its power through the governmentalization of journalism in Iran, utilizing publications that aligned with its socio-cultural policies. This approach aligned with the concept of "soft power" emphasizing the role of propaganda in shaping public opinion and promoting a particular lifestyle endorsed by the government. The changing social status of women was a key focus of Pahlavi policies, making the media—specifically the press—an essential tool for altering societal attitudes. One of the most significant government publications of this period was “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper, which was continuously published under the management of Abbas Masoudi from July 1924 until the end of the era of Pahlavi I. This publication extensively covered the social conditions of women in various Islamic and non-Islamic countries. While some researchers, such as Rahmati and Khanjari (2020), Saleh-Nejad (2019), Yousefifar and Jangjou (2019), and Savagheb et al. (2019), have explored various aspects of women’s issues in “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper, no independent study has specifically examined its coverage of women's social situations worldwide during the period of Reza Shah. This study aimed to address the question: What were the objectives and methods behind the coverage of women's social conditions in “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper during the era of Pahlavi I? Materials & Methods This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach rooted in historical methodology, allowing for a comprehensive examination of the subject matter. Initially, the necessary data were gathered by meticulously taking notes from various issues of “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper during the period of Reza Shah. This included both the content of articles and editorial stances, providing a broad understanding of the publication's focus. Additionally, documents available at the National Archives Center and other written sources from that era were consulted to enrich the data set and provide context. Subsequently, the collected data underwent rigorous analysis using causal and comparative methods. This involved assessing how the materials reflected the social context of Iranian society during the Pahlavi era, particularly regarding women's roles and rights. By comparing the newspaper's coverage of women's social activities in other countries with the domestic situation in Iran, the study aimed to uncover patterns, influences, and discrepancies. The primary objective was to examine why and how “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper reflected news related to women's social activities abroad. This analysis not only contributed to a deeper understanding of the newspaper's role in shaping public opinion, but also shed light on the broader implications for women's rights and societal changes in Iran during this transformative period. Through this approach, the study sought to highlight the interplay between media, societal attitudes, and the evolving status of women in Iranian society. Research Findings It is important to note that while “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper operated in alignment with Pahlavi cultural policy, it did not always reflect the government's intentions. Nonetheless, under the management of Abbas Masoudi, the publication sought to establish a new order in Iranian society, functioning as a media outlet within an authoritarian regime. One of its strategies for transforming the lives of Iranian women was to report on the experiences of women from around the world, particularly during a time when women globally were rising to advocate for their rights and address common needs. From the perspective of cultural geography, the newspaper focused on various Islamic and non-Islamic countries where women were undergoing significant changes. The key issues highlighted in “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper included polygamy, the right to divorce, the question of the veil, girls' education and the limitation of marriage age, the right to vote and political activism, property rights, economic independence, and employment rights (particularly in non-Muslim nations). Additionally, the content of the articles indicated a clear intention to inform and encourage Iranian women to pursue similar legal rights. In this way, the newspaper aimed to transfer the activities and freedom-seeking movements of women from other nations to Iran, fostering the possibility of similar advancements within the country. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The research findings indicated that “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper reflected a society in transition, striving to raise awareness among Iranian women to foster movements for acquiring social rights, such as the right to vote, establishment of an appropriate marriage age for girls, access to education, and employment opportunities. The emphasis on these topics aimed to convey important concepts to Iranian women and encourage them to pursue these rights. Simultaneously, there was a clear focus on women's traditional roles. Thus, this publication embodied the dual policy of the government of Pahlavi I regarding women, i.e., presenting a two-pronged approach that highlighted the continuation of traditional roles while also challenging prevailing views in traditional Iranian society. The emphasis on European women in “Eṫṫelā’āt” newspaper appeared to encourage Iranian women to view their personal, social, and cultural characteristics as potential role models. However, there was a noticeable lack of emphasis on political activism among Iranian women. It is important to note that the encouragement for Iranian women to align with women from other nations did not imply a disregard for native traditions. While promoting the emulation of women from other cultures, the publication consistently emphasized the importance of adhering to traditional women's duties. یکی از سیاست‌های دورة حکومت پهلوی اول، تلاش برای تغییر موقعیت زنان ایران بود که برای تحقق آن، ابزارهای مختلفی به کار گرفته شد. روزنامة اطلاعات نیز که ازجمله روزنامه‌های دولتی دورة پهلوی اول بوده، یکی از ابزارهای حکومت برای پیشبرد سیاست‌های مدنظر آن به شمار می‌رفت. ازجمله راهکارهای این روزنامه در این راستا، درج مقالات دربارۀ وضعیت اجتماعی زنان برخی ملل اسلامی و غیراسلامی جهان بود که دولت‌های آنان در مسیر تغییر موقعیت زنان گام برداشته بودند. با اعتقاد بر اینکه رسالت مطبوعات در هر جامعه حاصل نظام ارزشی حاکم و قدرت سیاسی مستقر در آن جامعه است و با پذیرش این موضوع که فرهنگ سیاسی حاکم بر ایران در دورة پهلوی اول نوعی فرهنگ سیاسی اقتدارگرا بوده است؛ چارچوب نظری پژوهش حاضر را بر پایة نظریة «رسانه در حکومت‌های اقتدارگرا» بنیان می‌نهیم. این مقاله درصدد است با روش توصیفی و تحلیلی به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که روزنامۀ اطلاعات با چه اهدافی و چگونه اخبار مربوط به زنان دیگر کشورها را بازتاب می‌داد؟ یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که روزنامۀ اطلاعات برآمد جامعه‌ای در حال گذار است که در پی آگاهی‌بخشی به زنان ایران برای ایجاد تحرک در تحصیل حقوق اجتماعی همچون حق رأی، تحدید سن مناسب ازدواج دختران، آموزش، اشتغال زنان و جز آن بوده است. هدف از تأکید بر این مطالب، انتقال چنین مفاهیمی به زنان ایران و ترغیب آنان برای تلاش در دستیابی به آن‌ها بوده است. در کنار این‌ها تأکید بر وظایف سنتی زنان نیز کاملاً مشهود است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29729_1a6edd32abd6949a2e29a4498245ac25.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 16 4 2024 12 21 The Role and Status of the Sarukhan Sa’dloo Qurchi-Bashi Family in the Military and Administrative Structure of the Safavid State نقش و جایگاه خاندان ساروخان سعدلو قورچی‌باشی در تشکیلات نظامی و دیوان‌سالاری حکومت صفوی 119 138 29659 10.22108/jhr.2025.144986.2781 FA علی ابوالقاسمی دانش آموخته دکتری گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2025 04 20 Abstract In the wake of military reforms during Shah Abbas I and his efforts to diminish Qizilbash influence—characterized by the removal of powerful Qizilbash commanders and promotion of lesser-known tribal figures—a new elite emerged within the Safavid military and administrative framework. Among these rising families, the Sa’dlu clan, particularly its Sarukhan branch, distinguished itself through its substantial impact on military, political, and bureaucratic affairs during the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The most notable member of this family, Sarukhan, occupied key positions under Shah Suleiman, including Qurchi-bashi (commander of the royal guard) and Muʿir al-Mamalik (chief financial officer), while also making significant contributions to literature and culture. Given the family's pivotal role in understanding the historical developments of this period, this study sought to reassess prevailing narratives regarding the Qizilbash—particularly the notions that they were either entirely ousted from power by Shah Abbas or relegated solely to military roles. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach grounded in library research, this paper examined the political, administrative, and cultural contributions of the Sa’dlu family during the late Safavid era. The findings revealed that, despite significant changes in the structure of the Safavid state, opportunities for political and social advancement were still accessible to certain Qizilbash families, such as the Sa’dlu. Keyword: Qizilbash, Sa’dlu, Qurchi-Bashi, Mo'ayer-al-Mamaleki, Sarukhan. Introduction The Safavid dynasty established in the early 16th century owes much of its political and military foundation to the Qizilbash—a confederation of Turkoman tribes originally aligned with the Safavid Sufi order. Among these tribes, the Sa’dlu family emerged as one of the most influential Qizilbash clans. The reign of Shah Abbas I marked a significant turning point as he sought to diminish Qizilbash dominance by promoting new administrative elites, such as ghulams (converted Christian slaves) and lesser-known tribal leaders. Despite these challenges, families like the Sa’dlu adapted and maintained their influence within the evolving Safavid state. This study investigated the role and transformation of the Sa’dlu household, focusing on key figures, such as Sarukhan Sa’dlu and his descendants, within the military, administrative, and cultural structures of the late Safavid period. By reassessing conventional historiographical assumptions—such as the complete exclusion of the Qizilbash from state affairs and their characterization as solely military actors—this research aimed to provide a nuanced understanding of Qizilbash resilience and their integration into various spheres of Safavid governance during its decline. Materials & Methods This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the actions and roles of Sarukhan Sa’dlu and his sons in the political and administrative developments of the late Safavid period. Central to this research was the question: What roles and positions did Qizilbash military figures, using the Sa’dlu family as a case study, occupy within the military, administrative, and cultural structures during the final decades of the Safavid dynasty? The research aimed to reassess certain prevailing views and theories in Safavid historiography, particularly the idea that Shah Abbas eliminated the Qizilbash from the Safavid government and the notion that Qizilbash forces had to be defined solely by their military function. By focusing on the roles and contributions of Sarukhan Sa’dlu and his family, this study illustrated that, despite significant changes, the Safavid state structure continued to provide opportunities for the advancement of certain Qizilbash groups, including the Sa’dlu. This family adeptly seized these opportunities, maintaining a prominent presence in the military, administrative, and cultural institutions during the late Safavid period and throughout the dynasty’s decline. Research Findings Continued Military and Political Role of the Qizilbash under the Safavids Contrary to the prevalent belief that Shah Abbas I systematically ousted the Qizilbash from the Safavid political structure, the case of the Sa’dlu family illustrated that certain Qizilbash lineages retained their influence until the dynasty's fall. Sarukhan Sa’dlu, a powerful Qurchi-bashi under Shah Suleiman, along with his sons—Morteza Qoli Khan, Mohammad Qoli Khan, and Rostam Mohammad Khan—held high-ranking military and administrative positions across key regions, such as Khorasan, Kerman, Tabriz, and Shirvan. Sarukhan’s Role in Safavid Fiscal and Monetary Reforms In 1096 AH, Sarukhan was appointed Muʿir al-Mamalik (chief financial officer) while simultaneously serving as Qurchi-bashi, underscoring the Safavid administration's trust in his administrative and financial expertise. Although his reforms, which included banning debased coins and attempting to stabilize the currency, ultimately failed and resulted in accusations of embezzlement, this episode highlighted the expanding role of the Qizilbash beyond mere military functions. Cultural and Literary Contributions of the Sa’dlu Family Sarukhan and his descendants were not only prominent political and military figures, but also significant cultural patrons and literati. Sarukhan himself was a poet and bibliophile. His Turkish prose preface to Takmilat al-Akhbar is a notable example of early modern Turkish literary style. His son, Morteza Qoli Khan, demonstrated literary brilliance during his diplomatic mission to the Ottoman court, earning respect from Ottoman poets and intellectuals for his mastery of both Persian and Turkish verse. Persistence of Sa’dlu Power in the Post-Safavid Period Even after the collapse of the Safavid dynasty, members of the Sa’dlu family retained local political authority. They governed regions, such as Khalkhal and Shirvan, actively resisted Afghan and Russian incursions, and adapted to the shifting political landscape during the transitional and Zand periods. This underscored the family's enduring adaptability and influence. Reassessment of the “Elimination” Thesis of the Qizilbash The case of the Sa’dlu family challenges the prevailing thesis that Shah Abbas’s reforms led to the complete marginalization of the Qizilbash. Although the influx of non-Qizilbash groups—such as Georgian, Armenian, and Circassian slaves—diversified the ruling elite, opportunities for certain Qizilbash factions to maintain and even expand their status persisted well into the late Safavid era. Discussion of Results & Conclusion This study underscored the enduring influence of the Qizilbash military elite, particularly the Sa’dlu family, during the late Safavid period. Despite the efforts of Shah Abbas I to diminish Qizilbash power, the Sa’dlu clan adapted by expanding their roles into administrative, economic, and cultural domains. Figures, such as Sarukhan Sa’dlu exemplified this transition, holding both military and financial positions while also contributing to literature and court culture. His descendants, including Morteza Qoli Khan and Mohammad Qoli Khan, maintained their political and military prominence even as the Safavid dynasty declined. The evidence suggested that rather than being completely excluded, the select Qizilbash families remained integral to the Safavid state until its eventual collapse. در پی سیاست‌های تحدید قدرت قزلباشان و اصلاحات نظامی شاه‌عباس و حذف خاندان و امرای متنفذ قزلباش و برکشیدن امرای دون‌پایه و ناشناخته به جانشینی آنان، زمینه برای ظهور خاندان‌های جدید در ساختار نظامی و سیاسی صفوی که شایستگی و توانمندی چشمگیری از خود به نمایش گذاشتند، فراهم شد. خاندان سارو خان سعدلو نمونۀ بارزی از این خاندان‌هاست که در تشکیلات نظامی، سیاسی و دیوان‌سالاری صفوی در اواخر قرن یازدهم و اوایل قرن دوازدهم هجری تأثیرگذار بودند. مهم‌ترین چهرۀ این خاندان، سارو خان بود که در کنار مسئولیت‌های مختلف نظامی، سیاسی و مالی دوران شاه‌سلیمان همچون قورچی‌باشی و معیر الممالکی، صاحب شخصیت ادبی و فرهنگی نیز بود. با توجه به اهمیت اقدامات این خاندان در فهم تحولات تاریخی این دوران، این پژوهش با هدف بازبینی برخی نگاه‌ها و نظریه‌ها به تاریخ دوران صفوی همچون کارکرد صِرف نظامی قزلباشان و یا حذف قزلباشان از ساختار حکومتی صفویه توسط شاه‌عباس، در پی پاسخگویی به این سؤال است که نظامیان قزلباش مانند خاندان سارو خان سعدلو (نمونۀ موردی) در تشکیلات سیاسی، اداری و فرهنگی اواخر حکومت صفویه چه نقش و جایگاهی داشتند؟ جمع‌آوری اطلاعات و داده‌های تاریخی این پژوهش به روش کتابخانه‌ای و بررسی موضوع به شیوۀ توصیفی‌تحلیلی انجام یافته است و نتایج حاصل نشان می‌دهد ساختار حکومتی صفویه باوجود تغییرات گسترده، همچنان، زمینه را برای ارتقا جایگاه گروه‌هایی از قزلباشان همچون خاندان سعدلو فراهم می‌کرد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_29659_b22aeaebe7dbd5477a9c3b0d43b1d0b4.pdf