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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The States of Ganja and Karabagh Based on the Manuscripts of Ottoman Notebooks</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The States of Ganja and Karabagh Based on the Manuscripts of Ottoman Notebooks</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>29</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">28336</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2023.135505.2433</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Vahid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Moradkhani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. student, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Faculty of Humanities, Islamic Azad University, Khoi Branch, Khoi, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mirsamad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mousavi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant professor, Department of History, Faculty of Social Sciences, Payam-e Noor University,, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahboub</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mahdavian</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Faculty of Humanities, Islamic Azad University, Khoi Branch, Khoi, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran&#039;s and regional governments&#039; attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, &quot;1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD&quot;, based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; Writing Offices, Ottoman, Caucasus, Ganja, Karabagh&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 16&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, corresponding to the 10&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century AH, and again in the 18&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, corresponding to the 12&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century AH, the Ottomans, upon capturing territories in the northwest of Iran, established administrative offices known as Tahrir offices. These offices were instrumental in recording intricate details of social, financial, and even political matters. Without delving into and studying the extant manuscript books, it is impossible to conduct a comprehensive and reliable research on these regions.&lt;br /&gt;The language used in these books is in the &quot;Ottoman style,&quot; which has hitherto been overlooked by researchers in the field of Iranian historiography.&lt;br /&gt;The documents and manuscripts of the Ganja and Karabagh Brigades are housed in the archives of this country as part of the Turkish government&#039;s archives, which comprise approximately 1.24 million books and 100 million documents in two sections of documents and books. Among these manuscripts are the &quot;Tapu Tahrir&quot; notebooks registered in both forms of &quot;detailed notebook&quot; and &quot;summary notebook&quot;, each prepared in duplicate.&lt;br /&gt;This study aimed to investigate the social and economic situation of Ganja and Karabagh states based on unique manuscripts of Ottoman writing books from two distinct periods, &quot;1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD,&quot; focusing on the Ganja Governor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research was conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner, drawing on research findings to delineate the demographic division of states, taxation specifics, agricultural produce, ethnic composition, types of economic activities, tax revenue, and trajectory of political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and endeavors to expound on social changes to the fullest extent possible.&lt;br /&gt;According to the detailed office of Ganja (No. 903) related to Ganja-Karabagh State during the period of Ottoman Sultan, Ahmed III in 1139 A.H., 6 brigades were recorded in two books, namely Ganja, Halha, Barda, Arsbar, Bargshad, and Lori. A comparative analysis of these records revealed a reduction in the number of brigades in the administrative divisions during the subsequent period. By leveraging these data alongside the region&#039;s census, comprehensive insights into the local populace and social structure were obtained, which were either unavailable or scarce in Iranian sources. For instance, based on the 1139 A.H. census, the city of Ganja comprised an ethnic and religiously diverse population, with 564 unmarried non-Muslim individuals, empty unmarried houses, and a total population of 2860 people, including Jewish and Chaldean Nestorians. Each household was estimated to consist of 5 people plus singles. These data corroborated reports from other historical sources regarding the mass departure of pro-Safavi tribes from the city, along with their families, following its capture by the Ottomans.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research findings indicated that the incomes of the states were derived from aqche collected from Zaamat Timar lands and special lands, taxes levied on products traded in markets, and government revenue sourced from guilds, herdsmen, and ordinary citizens often in the form of wedding customs. The population census of the states was based on marital status, number of households, and population count. Consequently, these offices, as revealed by the  authentic first-hand documents of the research, held significant importance in comprehensively and profoundly understanding Iran&#039;s social and economic landscape.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The study of Ganja and Qarabagh states, based on the manuscripts of Ganja, which were categorized into four versions, two of which pertained to the late Sultan Mohammad Khodabande (HQ: 986-996 AH) and two related to the period of Afghan domination, revealed valuable insights. According to the state registry office, Ganja-Qarabagh comprised seven brigades or districts, namely Ganja, Barda (Gargar), Hachen (Khachen), Nahanabad, Verande, Dizak, and Hekri (Hakri). The Ganja Brigade encompassed districts of Aran Ganja, Taghestan Ganja, Aran Shamkir, Aran Kurk Basan, Taghestan Sinurabad, Shetr, Yavlak, Danki, Aran Zakim, Tavus, and Aran Hassan.&lt;br /&gt;The research findings shed light on the income sources of the states, including aqche from Zaamat Timar and special lands, taxes on market-bound products, and government revenue from guilds, herdsmen, and ordinary citizens, often in the form of wedding customs. The population census of the states considered marital status and the number of households. Consequently, these offices supported by authentic first-hand documents were pivotal for gaining a comprehensive understanding of Iran&#039;s social and economic landscape.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran&#039;s and regional governments&#039; attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, &quot;1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD&quot;, based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; Writing Offices, Ottoman, Caucasus, Ganja, Karabagh&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 16&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, corresponding to the 10&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century AH, and again in the 18&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century, corresponding to the 12&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century AH, the Ottomans, upon capturing territories in the northwest of Iran, established administrative offices known as Tahrir offices. These offices were instrumental in recording intricate details of social, financial, and even political matters. Without delving into and studying the extant manuscript books, it is impossible to conduct a comprehensive and reliable research on these regions.&lt;br /&gt;The language used in these books is in the &quot;Ottoman style,&quot; which has hitherto been overlooked by researchers in the field of Iranian historiography.&lt;br /&gt;The documents and manuscripts of the Ganja and Karabagh Brigades are housed in the archives of this country as part of the Turkish government&#039;s archives, which comprise approximately 1.24 million books and 100 million documents in two sections of documents and books. Among these manuscripts are the &quot;Tapu Tahrir&quot; notebooks registered in both forms of &quot;detailed notebook&quot; and &quot;summary notebook&quot;, each prepared in duplicate.&lt;br /&gt;This study aimed to investigate the social and economic situation of Ganja and Karabagh states based on unique manuscripts of Ottoman writing books from two distinct periods, &quot;1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD,&quot; focusing on the Ganja Governor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research was conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner, drawing on research findings to delineate the demographic division of states, taxation specifics, agricultural produce, ethnic composition, types of economic activities, tax revenue, and trajectory of political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and endeavors to expound on social changes to the fullest extent possible.&lt;br /&gt;According to the detailed office of Ganja (No. 903) related to Ganja-Karabagh State during the period of Ottoman Sultan, Ahmed III in 1139 A.H., 6 brigades were recorded in two books, namely Ganja, Halha, Barda, Arsbar, Bargshad, and Lori. A comparative analysis of these records revealed a reduction in the number of brigades in the administrative divisions during the subsequent period. By leveraging these data alongside the region&#039;s census, comprehensive insights into the local populace and social structure were obtained, which were either unavailable or scarce in Iranian sources. For instance, based on the 1139 A.H. census, the city of Ganja comprised an ethnic and religiously diverse population, with 564 unmarried non-Muslim individuals, empty unmarried houses, and a total population of 2860 people, including Jewish and Chaldean Nestorians. Each household was estimated to consist of 5 people plus singles. These data corroborated reports from other historical sources regarding the mass departure of pro-Safavi tribes from the city, along with their families, following its capture by the Ottomans.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research findings indicated that the incomes of the states were derived from aqche collected from Zaamat Timar lands and special lands, taxes levied on products traded in markets, and government revenue sourced from guilds, herdsmen, and ordinary citizens often in the form of wedding customs. The population census of the states was based on marital status, number of households, and population count. Consequently, these offices, as revealed by the  authentic first-hand documents of the research, held significant importance in comprehensively and profoundly understanding Iran&#039;s social and economic landscape.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The study of Ganja and Qarabagh states, based on the manuscripts of Ganja, which were categorized into four versions, two of which pertained to the late Sultan Mohammad Khodabande (HQ: 986-996 AH) and two related to the period of Afghan domination, revealed valuable insights. According to the state registry office, Ganja-Qarabagh comprised seven brigades or districts, namely Ganja, Barda (Gargar), Hachen (Khachen), Nahanabad, Verande, Dizak, and Hekri (Hakri). The Ganja Brigade encompassed districts of Aran Ganja, Taghestan Ganja, Aran Shamkir, Aran Kurk Basan, Taghestan Sinurabad, Shetr, Yavlak, Danki, Aran Zakim, Tavus, and Aran Hassan.&lt;br /&gt;The research findings shed light on the income sources of the states, including aqche from Zaamat Timar and special lands, taxes on market-bound products, and government revenue from guilds, herdsmen, and ordinary citizens, often in the form of wedding customs. The population census of the states considered marital status and the number of households. Consequently, these offices supported by authentic first-hand documents were pivotal for gaining a comprehensive understanding of Iran&#039;s social and economic landscape.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Investigating Waqf (Endowment) in the Safavid Tariqa (from Ilkhanids to the Rise of the Safavids) According to Abdi Beyg Shirazi’s Ṣariḥ al-Molk</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Investigating Waqf (Endowment) in the Safavid Tariqa (from Ilkhanids to the Rise of the Safavids) According to Abdi Beyg Shirazi’s Ṣariḥ al-Molk</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>31</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>55</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">27999</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2023.135566.2436</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Parisa</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghorbannejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of the History of Culture and Civilization of Islamic Nation, Faculty of Theology, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zeinab</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ahadvand</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Human Sciences, Urmia University, Urmia, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the Ilkhanate period, the endowment tradition expanded, which drew attention to Sufism from both rulers and ordinary people. As a result, many endowments were established, with different segments of the society contributing to the Safavid religious path. Their contribution played a crucial role in stabilizing and developing the social and economic functions of the Tariqa. The present study focuses on investigating the various dimensions of endowments in the Safavid Tariqa from the Ilkhanate to the rise of the Safavid, based on the manuscript of &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt; by Abdi Beyg Shirazi (Deceased 977 AH). By examining the information related to the entrants, endowments, and incomes, it is shown that a coherent and extensive economic network was planned to attract financial aid, along with the expansion of the spiritual influence of the Tariqa. This network was organized to improve the economic power of the Tariqa through the volume of endowment revenues. Additionally, by stabilizing and developing endowments and providing social services, the Safavid elders aimed to strengthen the status of influential people in the political arena and make a double effort to gain power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Ilkhanate, Sheikh Safi al-Din, Safavid Tariqa, &lt;em&gt;Ṣariḥ al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;, Abdi Beyg Shirazi, Waqf.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The practice of Waqf has been an important source of financing for Islamic civilization for many years. Despite facing challenges throughout history, it has remained of great interest to both people and rulers. The Mongol invasion caused much destruction, including many endowments, but the tradition of endowment was revived during the Ilkhanate period, thanks to the influence of competent Iranian ministers and the conversion of some Ilkhanate to Islam. Concurrently, Sufism became an important religious and social movement. Financing the costs of Khanqah and the Sufi Organization was a serious need, and Waqf fulfilled this need as a continuous financial resource. Historical documents reveal that Sheikh Safi&#039;s Safavid way gained spiritual power with the backing of Waqf, and its economic power reached its peak during the reign of Sheikh Sadr al-Din. Finally, by strengthening the power of the Safavid government, Waqf played a significant role in the growth and prosperity of Islamic civilization (Yajama, 2022, p. 168). In this regard, this study investigates the various dimensions of endowments in the Safavid Tariqa from the Ilkhanids to the rise of the Safavids according to the manuscript of&#039; Abdi Beyg Shirazi’s &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tomb documents of Sheikh Safi are a valuable source of information about the society and daily life of the people of northwestern Iran between the 5th and 10th centuries AH. They serve as an essential source for research activities (Sheikh al-Hokamayi, 2009). One of the most important documents, called &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;, was commissioned by Shah Tahmasp I (930-980 AH) in the 10th century and written by Abdi Beg Shirazi. This book provides unique insights into the Safavid family&#039;s background, assets, relations with rulers, the economic situation of the people, beliefs, and the functions of the endowments. It is a fascinating read for Iranians, Japanese, and anyone interested in the history of Iran. This text provides information about the society and daily life of people in northwestern Iran between the 5th and 10th centuries AH.&lt;br /&gt;This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method and documentary analysis. The researchers extracted 727 cases of endowment made during the period from 683 to 903 AH, including 304 (42%) cases in the first letter, 249 (34%) in the second letter, 67 (9%) cases in the treatise of princes&#039; rivalry, and 107 (15%) cases of endowment from the end row. These cases, with 35 attributes, were recorded in a table for analysis, using the microfilms of 1655 and 1685 of the Central Library of Tehran University.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the establishment of the Ilkhanid government, the tradition of endowment was revived, especially during the reign of Ghazan Khan (694-703 AH). The rulers used endowments to gain support and popularity from Sufi elders who played a vital role in Iranian society. They also allocated financial resources, and salaries and endowed many lands of &quot;Injü&quot; (Mongol word for the Royal estates) that were under the control of the Ilkhanate.&lt;br /&gt;The Sufi elders showed interest in the ruling class and landowners to facilitate the continuity of endowments and charitable affairs. With the Ilkhanate&#039;s economic reforms, people&#039;s livelihoods improved, and the financial support of Sheikh Safi&#039;s supporters and disciples increased. Among the various endowments are villages, shops, caravanserais, rabat, mills, baths, gardens, mines, etc. Azerbaijan and other states also adopted these endowments. The Sheikhs&#039; successors continued to utilize these endowments to stabilize and develop them, increasing their economic potential for social services and the goals of Tariqa.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sheikh Safi gathered many disciples and supporters from various social and geographical backgrounds within the Ilkhanate government and local authorities. The followers belonged to different classes, including sultans, rulers, merchants, guilds, and people with different economic capacities, all of whom contributed to the development of Tariqa endowments. The Safavid family played an important role in strengthening the economic power of Tariqa by establishing endowments, directing revenues and vows towards the purchase of real estate, and providing social services to the people of the region and pilgrims. The Safavid sheikhs established a cultural network to expand their influence and an economic network to support the activities of Tariqa through the religious stream of endowments. After the path was transformed, the sheikhs used the income generated from endowments to enter the political arena and pave the way for gaining power.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;strong&gt;Abstract &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the Ilkhanate period, the endowment tradition expanded, which drew attention to Sufism from both rulers and ordinary people. As a result, many endowments were established, with different segments of the society contributing to the Safavid religious path. Their contribution played a crucial role in stabilizing and developing the social and economic functions of the Tariqa. The present study focuses on investigating the various dimensions of endowments in the Safavid Tariqa from the Ilkhanate to the rise of the Safavid, based on the manuscript of &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt; by Abdi Beyg Shirazi (Deceased 977 AH). By examining the information related to the entrants, endowments, and incomes, it is shown that a coherent and extensive economic network was planned to attract financial aid, along with the expansion of the spiritual influence of the Tariqa. This network was organized to improve the economic power of the Tariqa through the volume of endowment revenues. Additionally, by stabilizing and developing endowments and providing social services, the Safavid elders aimed to strengthen the status of influential people in the political arena and make a double effort to gain power.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Ilkhanate, Sheikh Safi al-Din, Safavid Tariqa, &lt;em&gt;Ṣariḥ al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;, Abdi Beyg Shirazi, Waqf.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The practice of Waqf has been an important source of financing for Islamic civilization for many years. Despite facing challenges throughout history, it has remained of great interest to both people and rulers. The Mongol invasion caused much destruction, including many endowments, but the tradition of endowment was revived during the Ilkhanate period, thanks to the influence of competent Iranian ministers and the conversion of some Ilkhanate to Islam. Concurrently, Sufism became an important religious and social movement. Financing the costs of Khanqah and the Sufi Organization was a serious need, and Waqf fulfilled this need as a continuous financial resource. Historical documents reveal that Sheikh Safi&#039;s Safavid way gained spiritual power with the backing of Waqf, and its economic power reached its peak during the reign of Sheikh Sadr al-Din. Finally, by strengthening the power of the Safavid government, Waqf played a significant role in the growth and prosperity of Islamic civilization (Yajama, 2022, p. 168). In this regard, this study investigates the various dimensions of endowments in the Safavid Tariqa from the Ilkhanids to the rise of the Safavids according to the manuscript of&#039; Abdi Beyg Shirazi’s &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tomb documents of Sheikh Safi are a valuable source of information about the society and daily life of the people of northwestern Iran between the 5th and 10th centuries AH. They serve as an essential source for research activities (Sheikh al-Hokamayi, 2009). One of the most important documents, called &lt;em&gt;Sarih al-Molk&lt;/em&gt;, was commissioned by Shah Tahmasp I (930-980 AH) in the 10th century and written by Abdi Beg Shirazi. This book provides unique insights into the Safavid family&#039;s background, assets, relations with rulers, the economic situation of the people, beliefs, and the functions of the endowments. It is a fascinating read for Iranians, Japanese, and anyone interested in the history of Iran. This text provides information about the society and daily life of people in northwestern Iran between the 5th and 10th centuries AH.&lt;br /&gt;This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method and documentary analysis. The researchers extracted 727 cases of endowment made during the period from 683 to 903 AH, including 304 (42%) cases in the first letter, 249 (34%) in the second letter, 67 (9%) cases in the treatise of princes&#039; rivalry, and 107 (15%) cases of endowment from the end row. These cases, with 35 attributes, were recorded in a table for analysis, using the microfilms of 1655 and 1685 of the Central Library of Tehran University.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the establishment of the Ilkhanid government, the tradition of endowment was revived, especially during the reign of Ghazan Khan (694-703 AH). The rulers used endowments to gain support and popularity from Sufi elders who played a vital role in Iranian society. They also allocated financial resources, and salaries and endowed many lands of &quot;Injü&quot; (Mongol word for the Royal estates) that were under the control of the Ilkhanate.&lt;br /&gt;The Sufi elders showed interest in the ruling class and landowners to facilitate the continuity of endowments and charitable affairs. With the Ilkhanate&#039;s economic reforms, people&#039;s livelihoods improved, and the financial support of Sheikh Safi&#039;s supporters and disciples increased. Among the various endowments are villages, shops, caravanserais, rabat, mills, baths, gardens, mines, etc. Azerbaijan and other states also adopted these endowments. The Sheikhs&#039; successors continued to utilize these endowments to stabilize and develop them, increasing their economic potential for social services and the goals of Tariqa.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sheikh Safi gathered many disciples and supporters from various social and geographical backgrounds within the Ilkhanate government and local authorities. The followers belonged to different classes, including sultans, rulers, merchants, guilds, and people with different economic capacities, all of whom contributed to the development of Tariqa endowments. The Safavid family played an important role in strengthening the economic power of Tariqa by establishing endowments, directing revenues and vows towards the purchase of real estate, and providing social services to the people of the region and pilgrims. The Safavid sheikhs established a cultural network to expand their influence and an economic network to support the activities of Tariqa through the religious stream of endowments. After the path was transformed, the sheikhs used the income generated from endowments to enter the political arena and pave the way for gaining power.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Analyzing Factors of Political Isolation of the Apardians in the Timurid Government</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Analyzing Factors of Political Isolation of the Apardians in the Timurid Government</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>73</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>57</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">28205</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2024.137459.2519</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bahramnejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Alireza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sarijloo</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. in History of Islamic Iran, an academic member of Farhangian University, Farhangian University, Zanjan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>24</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The Apardians were a tribal group within the Chaghatai Ulus. They held a significant position in its political and military spheres. They were divided into two distinct factions, the western and eastern regions. The historical trajectory of this tribe revealed that as the rule of the Timurids neared its end, the Apardians gradually lost their political influence. For various reasons, the western Apardians chose to isolate themselves completely during the Timurid era. On the other hand, the eastern Apardians remained loyal to Timur, but the events following his rule led them to gradually adopt the path of the western Apardians. Due to a variety of internal and external factors, their political significance waned. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, this research aimed to address the following question: What were the factors contributing to the political isolation of the Apardians during the Timurid rule? The research findings suggested that both internal and external factors played a role in their isolation. External factors encompassed events that, to some extent, were unavoidable and over which they had no control. However, the direct responsibility for the internal factors of isolation rested with the Apardians themselves.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; The Apardians, Western Apardians, Eastern Apardians, Timurians, Chaghatai Ulus.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Tribal societies have been a prominent feature throughout history and Transoxiana, an ancient human habitat, held significant importance akin to other key global regions. This region served as a crucial crossroad for nomadic migrations since ancient times and tribal life, alongside rural and urban social classes, persisted in Transoxiana. During the Mongol and Timurid periods, this social structure garnered considerable attention and influenced numerous contexts in Central and Western Asia. Despite demographic changes during the Mongol rule, tribes continued to play a pivotal role in the political and military landscape of Ulus. In this context, the Apardians as a tribe within the Chaghatai Ulus exerted a substantial influence on its political and military dynamics. Their contribution to the establishment, consolidation, and military endeavors of the Timurid government was undeniable. Through their allegiance to the Timurid royal court, the leaders of this tribe played a vital role in the formation, political advancement, military expansion, and legitimization of the Timurid rule amidst challenges from rival tribal leaders. However, their political trajectory during that era was characterized by a historical process of rise and fall rather than a unilateral approach. This research aimed to delve into and elucidate the political position of the Apardians during that historical period, drawing insights from the limited data and information available in Timurid historiographies.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
Despite the significance of the Timurid government and the role of tribes in the political and military landscape of Chaghatai Ulus and the Timurid government, the previous research by scholars, such as Beatrice Forbes Manz, Ismail Aqa, Jean Aubin, and Harold Lamb, has provided valuable insights. However, the specific focus on the Apardian tribe and their relationship with the rulers of Chaghatai Ulus, particularly the Timurids, has not been independently addressed in the works of these researchers. While articles, such as &#039;Posts and Positions in Local Governments&#039; by Shohistahon Uljaeva, &#039;Timur and the Emirate over Jaghtay&#039; by Takuji Kawaguchi, and &#039;The Role of the Qara&#039;unas Group in the Political and Military Interactions of the Timurid Government&#039; by Alireza Sarijloo and Mohsen Bahramnejad, occasionally mentioned the Appardians, they did not align with the objective of this research. Therefore, this study aimed to pave a new path in this area of study and framed its investigation around the following question: What factors contributed to the political isolation of the Apardians? This question supported the hypothesis that the Timurids&#039; pursuit of political centralization within Chaghatai Ulus, along with the internal and external characteristics of the Apardian tribe, led to a gradual decline and political isolation during that period in history.
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
The research findings suggested that a variety of factors, both internal and external to the tribe, could significantly impact the prosperity or isolation of the tribe. These factors influenced tribal relationships. One category of factors pertained to the policies adopted by tribal leaders, which could contribute to improved decision-making. However, another category was associated with factors beyond the control of tribal leaders, which we referred to as external factors.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
By examining historical events, it became apparent that the Apardians were divided into the two eastern and western regions. The fates of these two regions differed significantly due to the behaviors of their respective leaders. Two main categories of factors contributed to the isolation of both regions. The first category consisted of external factors that were beyond the control of the Apardians and they could only leverage these factors for their political advantage. The second category comprised internal factors, for which the Apardians and their leaders were directly responsible.
Among the external factors leading to the isolation of the Western Apardians were neglecting the pivotal role of tribes in the political scene, misunderstanding the political atmosphere of the time, and susceptibility of the Western Apardian leader to external influences. On the internal side, repeated mistakes by the leader of this region towards Timur and insistence on wrong positions, possibly stemming from their sense of independence, led them to lose control during Timur&#039;s era. Timur chose a non-tribal leader for them, intensifying their isolation. However, the Eastern Apardians, unlike their Western counterparts, served Timur loyally and achieved high political positions. Their political insight appeared to have been more flexible than that of their Western peers as reflected positively in historical records. Yet, this did not imply that the Eastern Apardians were superior in their political life, but they were more compliant compared to the Western ones.
With Timur&#039;s death and the ensuing succession disputes, the political landscape of Ulus became turbulent and Timur&#039;s unique discourse faced threats of obliteration. The leader of the Eastern Apardians also made a miscalculation in choosing a successor in this complex political environment, marking the beginning of their isolation. For the Eastern Apardians, the external factors were more dominant than the internal ones. Factors like the political post-Timur situation, Shahrukh&#039;s sentiments and differences between his rule and Timur&#039;s, and the erosion of Timur&#039;s military campaigns and succession disputes, were pivotal. Upon reflection, it was evident that the Eastern Apardians became victims of events they were not primarily responsible for, leading to their isolation. In contrast, the Western Apardians&#039; actions were more self-inflicted. They could have mitigated their situation by adopting a more prudent political strategy in Chaghatai Ulus. However, their strong sense of independence overshadowed other political considerations, ultimately leading to their obscurity in historical records.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The Apardians were a tribal group within the Chaghatai Ulus. They held a significant position in its political and military spheres. They were divided into two distinct factions, the western and eastern regions. The historical trajectory of this tribe revealed that as the rule of the Timurids neared its end, the Apardians gradually lost their political influence. For various reasons, the western Apardians chose to isolate themselves completely during the Timurid era. On the other hand, the eastern Apardians remained loyal to Timur, but the events following his rule led them to gradually adopt the path of the western Apardians. Due to a variety of internal and external factors, their political significance waned. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, this research aimed to address the following question: What were the factors contributing to the political isolation of the Apardians during the Timurid rule? The research findings suggested that both internal and external factors played a role in their isolation. External factors encompassed events that, to some extent, were unavoidable and over which they had no control. However, the direct responsibility for the internal factors of isolation rested with the Apardians themselves.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; The Apardians, Western Apardians, Eastern Apardians, Timurians, Chaghatai Ulus.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Tribal societies have been a prominent feature throughout history and Transoxiana, an ancient human habitat, held significant importance akin to other key global regions. This region served as a crucial crossroad for nomadic migrations since ancient times and tribal life, alongside rural and urban social classes, persisted in Transoxiana. During the Mongol and Timurid periods, this social structure garnered considerable attention and influenced numerous contexts in Central and Western Asia. Despite demographic changes during the Mongol rule, tribes continued to play a pivotal role in the political and military landscape of Ulus. In this context, the Apardians as a tribe within the Chaghatai Ulus exerted a substantial influence on its political and military dynamics. Their contribution to the establishment, consolidation, and military endeavors of the Timurid government was undeniable. Through their allegiance to the Timurid royal court, the leaders of this tribe played a vital role in the formation, political advancement, military expansion, and legitimization of the Timurid rule amidst challenges from rival tribal leaders. However, their political trajectory during that era was characterized by a historical process of rise and fall rather than a unilateral approach. This research aimed to delve into and elucidate the political position of the Apardians during that historical period, drawing insights from the limited data and information available in Timurid historiographies.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
Despite the significance of the Timurid government and the role of tribes in the political and military landscape of Chaghatai Ulus and the Timurid government, the previous research by scholars, such as Beatrice Forbes Manz, Ismail Aqa, Jean Aubin, and Harold Lamb, has provided valuable insights. However, the specific focus on the Apardian tribe and their relationship with the rulers of Chaghatai Ulus, particularly the Timurids, has not been independently addressed in the works of these researchers. While articles, such as &#039;Posts and Positions in Local Governments&#039; by Shohistahon Uljaeva, &#039;Timur and the Emirate over Jaghtay&#039; by Takuji Kawaguchi, and &#039;The Role of the Qara&#039;unas Group in the Political and Military Interactions of the Timurid Government&#039; by Alireza Sarijloo and Mohsen Bahramnejad, occasionally mentioned the Appardians, they did not align with the objective of this research. Therefore, this study aimed to pave a new path in this area of study and framed its investigation around the following question: What factors contributed to the political isolation of the Apardians? This question supported the hypothesis that the Timurids&#039; pursuit of political centralization within Chaghatai Ulus, along with the internal and external characteristics of the Apardian tribe, led to a gradual decline and political isolation during that period in history.
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
The research findings suggested that a variety of factors, both internal and external to the tribe, could significantly impact the prosperity or isolation of the tribe. These factors influenced tribal relationships. One category of factors pertained to the policies adopted by tribal leaders, which could contribute to improved decision-making. However, another category was associated with factors beyond the control of tribal leaders, which we referred to as external factors.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
By examining historical events, it became apparent that the Apardians were divided into the two eastern and western regions. The fates of these two regions differed significantly due to the behaviors of their respective leaders. Two main categories of factors contributed to the isolation of both regions. The first category consisted of external factors that were beyond the control of the Apardians and they could only leverage these factors for their political advantage. The second category comprised internal factors, for which the Apardians and their leaders were directly responsible.
Among the external factors leading to the isolation of the Western Apardians were neglecting the pivotal role of tribes in the political scene, misunderstanding the political atmosphere of the time, and susceptibility of the Western Apardian leader to external influences. On the internal side, repeated mistakes by the leader of this region towards Timur and insistence on wrong positions, possibly stemming from their sense of independence, led them to lose control during Timur&#039;s era. Timur chose a non-tribal leader for them, intensifying their isolation. However, the Eastern Apardians, unlike their Western counterparts, served Timur loyally and achieved high political positions. Their political insight appeared to have been more flexible than that of their Western peers as reflected positively in historical records. Yet, this did not imply that the Eastern Apardians were superior in their political life, but they were more compliant compared to the Western ones.
With Timur&#039;s death and the ensuing succession disputes, the political landscape of Ulus became turbulent and Timur&#039;s unique discourse faced threats of obliteration. The leader of the Eastern Apardians also made a miscalculation in choosing a successor in this complex political environment, marking the beginning of their isolation. For the Eastern Apardians, the external factors were more dominant than the internal ones. Factors like the political post-Timur situation, Shahrukh&#039;s sentiments and differences between his rule and Timur&#039;s, and the erosion of Timur&#039;s military campaigns and succession disputes, were pivotal. Upon reflection, it was evident that the Eastern Apardians became victims of events they were not primarily responsible for, leading to their isolation. In contrast, the Western Apardians&#039; actions were more self-inflicted. They could have mitigated their situation by adopting a more prudent political strategy in Chaghatai Ulus. However, their strong sense of independence overshadowed other political considerations, ultimately leading to their obscurity in historical records.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Apardians</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Western Apardians</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Eastern Apardians</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Timurians</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">chaghatai ulus</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_28205_48d9976a4f4e8b545d056bd7f5ea007d.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Hunting with Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon) in the Qajar era and its Functions</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Hunting with Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon) in the Qajar era and its Functions</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>75</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>92</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">28272</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2024.139469.2590</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Farzad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khoshab</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Student, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Lorestan University, Khorramabad, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jafar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Aghazadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Social Science, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;
In the Qajar era, hunting was one of the common ways of entertainment. During this period, the king and his family members and the governors of some regions were very interested in hunting and hunted in various ways. In the meantime, hunting with peregrine falcons had a special place in the pastime of courtiers and nobles, especially during the era of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method, we seek to answer the following research question: What was the position and function (individual and social) of hunting with a goat in the Qajar period? The findings of the research show that those who were able to buy hunting birds by spending a lot of money, hired skilled bird hunters to prepare them for all kinds of hunting on the hunting grounds. Due to the high costs and difficulties related to training and maintaining the falcon, this method of hunting had become one of the most difficult methods of hunting, and only kings, governors, and princes were able to do this type of hunting on a large scale. Hunting with a hawk was used for purposes such as fun and entertainment and to show the greatness and skill of an individual in hunting.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Qajar Era, Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon), Ghooshchi, Kings, Function.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon) or the so-called hunting bird has different types and species. They are divided into two categories: yellow-eyed and black-eyed. In the Qajar era, these types of hunting birds were hunted in different ways, such as catching them by skilled hunters and other trained hunting birds. They were rarely purchased in the bird market. Each of the hunting birds, such as Falcon and Tarlan, was skilled in hunting and catching some animals, and this depended on the skills of their owners. In this era, the importance of hunting with falcons led to the creation of a position called “Ghooshci”, whose main duty was to take care of the royal hunting birds. He also used special tricks to prepare and train them for hunting, including how to fly the hunting birds, how to track prey and the hunting bird’s reaction after the hunt.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
In this descriptive-analytical study, hunting by birds in the Qajar era and its functions are investigated using library sources. In this method, which took a long time, the Ghooshci had to consider the best way to hunt the hunting bird and train it. For this reason, due to its difficulties, hunting with a hunting bird had taken on a more royal form, and the general public was not able to do this type of hunting.
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
During the Qajar period, hunting was popular among different groups of Iranian people with various functions, especially livelihood. In the meantime, hunting with a peregrine falcon had special importance and place as one of the methods of hunting in the Qajar era. However, this method of hunting was very special and different from other traditional methods of hunting, and it required certain restrictions and conditions. First, the hunting birds that were used for hunting were not easily accessible, although some species were native to Iran, powerful hawks were generally imported from outside the borders. Second, hiring skilled hunters and spending a lot of money on training them created a lot of problems and financial burdens for the owners of hunting birds, even though with the spread of new hunting rifles, the hunting of various species of animals was very easy and extensive. Therefore, hunting with a peregrine falcon was very expensive, time-consuming, difficult, low-yield, and required a lot of preparation and skills. For this reason, hunting with a peregrine falcon was more common among the members of the royal family and the upper groups of the society.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;
Although during the era of the early Qajar kings, hunting peregrine falcons was popular, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, who devoted a large part of his life and recreation to hunting, was also skilled at hunting with peregrine falcons, so his reign can be considered the peak period in this regard. During the period of the following kings, this type of hunting fell off. On the other hand, some princes and governors were also skilled in this work and spent exorbitant costs on peregrine falcon breeding. During the Qajar period, hunting with peregrine falcons lost its livelihood function to a large extent. In addition to the aspect of entertainment and recreation, this method of hunting had various functions in terms of social and individual status for those who practiced it. In terms of social status, the public&#039;s lack of ability to maintain, train, and use peregrine falcons was considered a privilege for the owners of these types of hunting birds, and it was a kind of display of their wealth and greatness. In terms of individual status, due to the difficulties related to hunting with peregrine falcons, those who had this skill used it to show their art and skill.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;
In the Qajar era, hunting was one of the common ways of entertainment. During this period, the king and his family members and the governors of some regions were very interested in hunting and hunted in various ways. In the meantime, hunting with peregrine falcons had a special place in the pastime of courtiers and nobles, especially during the era of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method, we seek to answer the following research question: What was the position and function (individual and social) of hunting with a goat in the Qajar period? The findings of the research show that those who were able to buy hunting birds by spending a lot of money, hired skilled bird hunters to prepare them for all kinds of hunting on the hunting grounds. Due to the high costs and difficulties related to training and maintaining the falcon, this method of hunting had become one of the most difficult methods of hunting, and only kings, governors, and princes were able to do this type of hunting on a large scale. Hunting with a hawk was used for purposes such as fun and entertainment and to show the greatness and skill of an individual in hunting.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Qajar Era, Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon), Ghooshchi, Kings, Function.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Ghoosh (Peregrine Falcon) or the so-called hunting bird has different types and species. They are divided into two categories: yellow-eyed and black-eyed. In the Qajar era, these types of hunting birds were hunted in different ways, such as catching them by skilled hunters and other trained hunting birds. They were rarely purchased in the bird market. Each of the hunting birds, such as Falcon and Tarlan, was skilled in hunting and catching some animals, and this depended on the skills of their owners. In this era, the importance of hunting with falcons led to the creation of a position called “Ghooshci”, whose main duty was to take care of the royal hunting birds. He also used special tricks to prepare and train them for hunting, including how to fly the hunting birds, how to track prey and the hunting bird’s reaction after the hunt.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
In this descriptive-analytical study, hunting by birds in the Qajar era and its functions are investigated using library sources. In this method, which took a long time, the Ghooshci had to consider the best way to hunt the hunting bird and train it. For this reason, due to its difficulties, hunting with a hunting bird had taken on a more royal form, and the general public was not able to do this type of hunting.
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
During the Qajar period, hunting was popular among different groups of Iranian people with various functions, especially livelihood. In the meantime, hunting with a peregrine falcon had special importance and place as one of the methods of hunting in the Qajar era. However, this method of hunting was very special and different from other traditional methods of hunting, and it required certain restrictions and conditions. First, the hunting birds that were used for hunting were not easily accessible, although some species were native to Iran, powerful hawks were generally imported from outside the borders. Second, hiring skilled hunters and spending a lot of money on training them created a lot of problems and financial burdens for the owners of hunting birds, even though with the spread of new hunting rifles, the hunting of various species of animals was very easy and extensive. Therefore, hunting with a peregrine falcon was very expensive, time-consuming, difficult, low-yield, and required a lot of preparation and skills. For this reason, hunting with a peregrine falcon was more common among the members of the royal family and the upper groups of the society.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;
Although during the era of the early Qajar kings, hunting peregrine falcons was popular, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, who devoted a large part of his life and recreation to hunting, was also skilled at hunting with peregrine falcons, so his reign can be considered the peak period in this regard. During the period of the following kings, this type of hunting fell off. On the other hand, some princes and governors were also skilled in this work and spent exorbitant costs on peregrine falcon breeding. During the Qajar period, hunting with peregrine falcons lost its livelihood function to a large extent. In addition to the aspect of entertainment and recreation, this method of hunting had various functions in terms of social and individual status for those who practiced it. In terms of social status, the public&#039;s lack of ability to maintain, train, and use peregrine falcons was considered a privilege for the owners of these types of hunting birds, and it was a kind of display of their wealth and greatness. In terms of individual status, due to the difficulties related to hunting with peregrine falcons, those who had this skill used it to show their art and skill.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Ghooshchi</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Kings</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_28272_e7ad0ae5da73b8b0d9c6ea8f1ebd389d.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Tribal Contexts and Historical Structures of Power and Borders in Trucial Oman (United Arab Emirates) (1800-1971)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Tribal Contexts and Historical Structures of Power and Borders in Trucial Oman (United Arab Emirates) (1800-1971)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>93</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>110</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">28337</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2024.137383.2517</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Salman</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghasemian</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Faculty of History, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tribal relations and historical structures of power and border in Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman (United Arab Emirates) in the 13&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; and 14&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; centuries AH / 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; and 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AD until the establishment of the United Arab Emirates in 1971 AD play a decisive role in recognizing the historical identity of the sheikhs of the Persian Gulf. The special geographical conditions of this region have created this special social situation for them. The importance of the issue of the role of tribal relations in drawing the borders of power and politics in the United Arab Emirates is due to its role in understanding the nature of the history of the developments of the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf during the last century. On the other hand, the political complexity of the borders caused by the relations between tribal systems and the primitive culture ruling an important part of the coastal and interior regions has increased the importance of the issue of the role of tribal relations in the process of building power and political boundaries in this region during the last two centuries. The determining factors of tribal relations, the traditional structure of relations and the internal developments of Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman show that along with colonial policies, tribal ties and the ability of sheikhs to develop such ties determined the scope of their influence during the formation of political borders. The issue of security and tribal interests or needs has played a decisive role in delineating the position of sheikhs. This situation continued until the end of the 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century when the concept of border and nation was raised for the first time. This study, using an analytical approach and extensive library studies, seeks to answer this research question: what role did clan relations and the sheikh power mechanism play in the structural changes and historical developments leading to the formation of the United Arab Emirates? In the meantime, the examination of the available evidence of the total geographical and human factors and the historical developments of the 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century should be taken into account in understanding the developments leading to the empowerment of Baniyas in the United Emirates.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman, Tribal Relations, Deira and Merz, Qawasem, Baniyas&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The United Arab Emirates, consisting of 7 sheikhdoms under the supervision and semi-official rule of Abu-Dhabi, has the most complicated political borders in the world. This complexity is largely due to its tribal nature at the stage of determining political borders in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of clan relations in the political history of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf helps the researcher in studying the historical developments of this region during the last two centuries. Tribal systems have played an important role in the formation of the new identity of the United Emirates and its border issues. Investigating the position of tribal relations in the power divisions, the role of the tribe in determining its boundaries, and the tribe&#039;s understanding of the border are important in the process of forming the boundaries of this region.&lt;br /&gt;In the conditions where the nomads considered their powers to be a kind of limitation of the livestock grazing area, obeying the senior sheikh and accepting his authority was only a recognition of the existence of a link or tribal alliance in order to deal with threats. Regarding the background of the research, the articles that have investigated the historical records of the seven emirates of this region or the clan system and demarcations should be taken into consideration. Among Iranian researchers, the issue of factors influencing the drawing of the political borders of the United Arab Emirates and its historical course has not been considered. In the book Borders in the Persian Gulf region, Jafari Veldani (1995) refers to the process of political demarcations and some border problems of the seven emirates in a general and passing way. This study reviewed tribal relations and the way power is divided among the tribes of this region, the concept of Deirah and its conceptual connection with the territorial boundaries of the southeastern coast of the Persian Gulf, the role of tribal ties in gaining power and weakening Qawasim and against the increasing influence of Baniyas and finally, their leadership in the United Arab Emirates.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this research, the above-mentioned objective was examined using library sources and an analytical-descriptive method and referring to various sources, especially Persian Gulf historical and Geographical books about tribal contexts and historical structures of power and borders in the United Arab Emirates especially, from 1800 to 1971.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research findings suggested that tribal relations in the United Arab Emirates, whether in the form of traditional relations or relations caused by colonial factors aligned or opposed to Baniyas and Qawasim, significantly affect the power and influence or isolation of Baniyas (Abu Dhabi), and Bani Katab (Dubai) has had an impact. However, England influenced the position and relations of Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Omani social groups in many ways. The policies of the leaders of the Baniyas and Qawasim tribes, which were effective in the formation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971, were a combination of Najd traditions and British colonial policies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;and&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The southeastern regions of the Persian Gulf or Oman reconciled with Bedouin culture and in accordance with the cultural patterns of Najd, Arabia. The coastal regions are accessible to the interior Bedouins. Some nomads of the region were immigrants and had limited acquaintance with the Bedouins. Even though Qawasm was able to create a union with the culture at a point from the fall of Safavid to the beginning of Qajar, with the defeat in 1820 AD/1235 AH, they challenged the durability of Qawasm union with the help of British forces. Based on the culture and the power of Sheikh Arshad and due to the disintegration and establishment of scattered Sheikhs, the nomads of this region gradually were not in line with Ras al-Khaimah, and from the second half of the 19th century, the ground was paved for the influence of the sheikh of Abu-Dhabi due to the increasing connection with the nomads.&lt;br /&gt;Until the middle of the 19th century, due to the monopolistic policies of England and the strengthening of the tribal relations of the Baniyas with various branches living in the interior areas of Oman (Mutsaleh and Barimi, Zafara, Zahirah, Liwa, etc.), Abu Dhabi&#039;s sphere of influence increased within the Musandam and tribes and groups involved in fishing and desert tourism. Important tribes of Naimis of Zahira and Barimi, Zawahiris of Barimi, Mazarii, Manaseer, etc. joined the Baniyas union, and Bani Kitab, Bushams and Mazarii, who were close companions of the sheikhs of Ras al-Khasma, forced themselves out of the sphere of influence of Qawasim and joined the allies of Abu-Dhabi. The final circle of this process was completed in 1971 with the withdrawal of England from this region and the formation of the United Arab Emirates under the leadership of Abu-Dhabi.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tribal relations and historical structures of power and border in Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman (United Arab Emirates) in the 13&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; and 14&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; centuries AH / 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; and 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AD until the establishment of the United Arab Emirates in 1971 AD play a decisive role in recognizing the historical identity of the sheikhs of the Persian Gulf. The special geographical conditions of this region have created this special social situation for them. The importance of the issue of the role of tribal relations in drawing the borders of power and politics in the United Arab Emirates is due to its role in understanding the nature of the history of the developments of the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf during the last century. On the other hand, the political complexity of the borders caused by the relations between tribal systems and the primitive culture ruling an important part of the coastal and interior regions has increased the importance of the issue of the role of tribal relations in the process of building power and political boundaries in this region during the last two centuries. The determining factors of tribal relations, the traditional structure of relations and the internal developments of Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman show that along with colonial policies, tribal ties and the ability of sheikhs to develop such ties determined the scope of their influence during the formation of political borders. The issue of security and tribal interests or needs has played a decisive role in delineating the position of sheikhs. This situation continued until the end of the 20&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century when the concept of border and nation was raised for the first time. This study, using an analytical approach and extensive library studies, seeks to answer this research question: what role did clan relations and the sheikh power mechanism play in the structural changes and historical developments leading to the formation of the United Arab Emirates? In the meantime, the examination of the available evidence of the total geographical and human factors and the historical developments of the 19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century should be taken into account in understanding the developments leading to the empowerment of Baniyas in the United Emirates.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Oman, Tribal Relations, Deira and Merz, Qawasem, Baniyas&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The United Arab Emirates, consisting of 7 sheikhdoms under the supervision and semi-official rule of Abu-Dhabi, has the most complicated political borders in the world. This complexity is largely due to its tribal nature at the stage of determining political borders in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of clan relations in the political history of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf helps the researcher in studying the historical developments of this region during the last two centuries. Tribal systems have played an important role in the formation of the new identity of the United Emirates and its border issues. Investigating the position of tribal relations in the power divisions, the role of the tribe in determining its boundaries, and the tribe&#039;s understanding of the border are important in the process of forming the boundaries of this region.&lt;br /&gt;In the conditions where the nomads considered their powers to be a kind of limitation of the livestock grazing area, obeying the senior sheikh and accepting his authority was only a recognition of the existence of a link or tribal alliance in order to deal with threats. Regarding the background of the research, the articles that have investigated the historical records of the seven emirates of this region or the clan system and demarcations should be taken into consideration. Among Iranian researchers, the issue of factors influencing the drawing of the political borders of the United Arab Emirates and its historical course has not been considered. In the book Borders in the Persian Gulf region, Jafari Veldani (1995) refers to the process of political demarcations and some border problems of the seven emirates in a general and passing way. This study reviewed tribal relations and the way power is divided among the tribes of this region, the concept of Deirah and its conceptual connection with the territorial boundaries of the southeastern coast of the Persian Gulf, the role of tribal ties in gaining power and weakening Qawasim and against the increasing influence of Baniyas and finally, their leadership in the United Arab Emirates.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this research, the above-mentioned objective was examined using library sources and an analytical-descriptive method and referring to various sources, especially Persian Gulf historical and Geographical books about tribal contexts and historical structures of power and borders in the United Arab Emirates especially, from 1800 to 1971.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research findings suggested that tribal relations in the United Arab Emirates, whether in the form of traditional relations or relations caused by colonial factors aligned or opposed to Baniyas and Qawasim, significantly affect the power and influence or isolation of Baniyas (Abu Dhabi), and Bani Katab (Dubai) has had an impact. However, England influenced the position and relations of Trucial&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Omani social groups in many ways. The policies of the leaders of the Baniyas and Qawasim tribes, which were effective in the formation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971, were a combination of Najd traditions and British colonial policies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;and&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The southeastern regions of the Persian Gulf or Oman reconciled with Bedouin culture and in accordance with the cultural patterns of Najd, Arabia. The coastal regions are accessible to the interior Bedouins. Some nomads of the region were immigrants and had limited acquaintance with the Bedouins. Even though Qawasm was able to create a union with the culture at a point from the fall of Safavid to the beginning of Qajar, with the defeat in 1820 AD/1235 AH, they challenged the durability of Qawasm union with the help of British forces. Based on the culture and the power of Sheikh Arshad and due to the disintegration and establishment of scattered Sheikhs, the nomads of this region gradually were not in line with Ras al-Khaimah, and from the second half of the 19th century, the ground was paved for the influence of the sheikh of Abu-Dhabi due to the increasing connection with the nomads.&lt;br /&gt;Until the middle of the 19th century, due to the monopolistic policies of England and the strengthening of the tribal relations of the Baniyas with various branches living in the interior areas of Oman (Mutsaleh and Barimi, Zafara, Zahirah, Liwa, etc.), Abu Dhabi&#039;s sphere of influence increased within the Musandam and tribes and groups involved in fishing and desert tourism. Important tribes of Naimis of Zahira and Barimi, Zawahiris of Barimi, Mazarii, Manaseer, etc. joined the Baniyas union, and Bani Kitab, Bushams and Mazarii, who were close companions of the sheikhs of Ras al-Khasma, forced themselves out of the sphere of influence of Qawasim and joined the allies of Abu-Dhabi. The final circle of this process was completed in 1971 with the withdrawal of England from this region and the formation of the United Arab Emirates under the leadership of Abu-Dhabi.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Isfahan</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Historical Researches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Advertising in Newspapers during the Constitutional Period: A Case Study of Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Advertising in Newspapers during the Constitutional Period: A Case Study of Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>111</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>125</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">28230</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2024.139191.2579</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Nooraldin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nemati</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Newspapers emerged as a novel phenomenon in Iran during the Qajar Era following the exposure of Iranian intellectuals to European societal developments. Over time, newspaper publication gained popularity across various regions in Iran. The Constitutional Movement marked a pivotal moment in Iranian journalism with an increase in newspaper publication in several cities following the proclamation of the constitutional decree in 1324 AH. These newspapers underwent significant changes in terms of content. One aspect worth exploring constitutional era newspapers in Qajar is the presence of &quot;advertisements&quot; often referred to as &quot;E&#039;lān&quot;. These advertisements provided valuable insights into the social and economic conditions of Iranian cities, shedding light on the neglected aspects of social and economic history that were not found in narrative sources. This study focused on evaluating advertisements in &quot;Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper&quot;, one of the prominent newspapers of the constitutional era. The study aimed to answer the fundamental question: What social and economic information did the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper offered about the life in Tabriz during the constitutional era? In other words, what advertising-related data did Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper contain and how significant were these data in understanding urban life in Tabriz at that time? The research utilized a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative research methods were employed in the collection and description of reports, while quantitative statistical methods were utilized for data analysis. Thus, this research adopted a descriptive-analytical approach to studying advertisement. By evaluating and summarizing the available data, the study concluded that the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper not only shed light on the neglected social and economic aspects of Tabriz society during that time, but also reflected the emerging nationalist tendencies and promoted social action, such as supporting domestic goods and imposing embargoes on foreign goods.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Advertisements, Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, Tabriz, Constitutionalism, E&#039;lān.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Newspaper publication gained popularity among the Iranian population during the Qajar Period. With the success of the Constitutional Movement and constitutional provisions regarding newspapers and magazines, their prevalence increased even further. Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper known by various titles, such as &quot;Ruznama-e Melli&quot;, &quot;Jarida-e Melli&quot;, and &quot;Anjuman-e Tabriz&quot;, held significant importance during the early years of the Constitutional Movement. One notable section of this newspaper was &quot;E&#039;lān&quot; or section of advertisements. This essay aimed to examine the contents of advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper and uncover the political and social reflections of the time within them. The study concluded that the newspaper&#039;s advertisements indeed reflected specific social and political aspects of life in Tabriz, along with emerging nationalistic tendencies and encouragement for political participation. The existing research on this topic has often remained limited to general observations and has not delved deeply into the sources. It is unrealistic to expect detailed insights from studies that have explored broad topics like Qajar Period newspapers. To investigate the city of Tabriz specifically, this study focused on local advertisements that reflected local interests.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
This research employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. The qualitative approach was utilized for data collection and description, while the quantitative methods were employed for statistical analysis. Therefore, our study adopted an analytical-descriptive approach to examine the advertisements. In the quantitative analysis of advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, we presented the content in tables to provide an overview of the entire corpus of advertisements in the newspaper.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
The ads and semi-ads in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper could be classified into 3 categories: formal ads, encouragement ads, and negative ads. These advertisements covered a wide range of goods and services with a particular emphasis on school supplies, books, and medical products/servicesrepresenting cultural and hygienic products. Notably, there were concepts promoting the protection of domestically made products and urging urban elites to invest in infrastructure projects, which constituted a significant portion of the advertisements. When examining negative ads, it is worth mentioning the boycott of certain foreign goods, industries, and granting of exclusive rights. This indicated a growing support among urban elites for domestically made goods. By considering the informal ads and negative ads together, one could observe a trend among the societal elites, demonstrating a heightened awareness and collective action during the early constitutional era to support Iranian-made products while avoiding foreign-made ones. Hence, it could be argued that the advertisement trends reflected the political developments in Tabriz during that specified period.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
As previously mentioned, the primary focus of this research was to explore the valuable historical insights and information regarding the social and economic life in Tabriz during the early constitutional era through an analysis of the advertisements published in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper. Our findings revealed that these advertisements indeed reflected certain nationalistic tendencies, emphasizing support for domestically made products and promoting collective action to boycott imported goods. Additionally, they provided valuable insights into the common aspects of the economic and social life in Tabriz during that era. By categorizing the advertisements into the three main groups of formal/official ads, promotional ads, and negative ads, we illustrated the extensive range of content and the diverse array of goods and services featured. However, it is worth noting that the ads related to schools, books, and medical goods and services dominated the advertisement corpus in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, thus occurring most frequently. Furthermore, the ideas promoting the support of Iranian products and encouraging urban elites to invest in infrastructure projects held a significant position, occupying a prominent place within the promotional section.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Newspapers emerged as a novel phenomenon in Iran during the Qajar Era following the exposure of Iranian intellectuals to European societal developments. Over time, newspaper publication gained popularity across various regions in Iran. The Constitutional Movement marked a pivotal moment in Iranian journalism with an increase in newspaper publication in several cities following the proclamation of the constitutional decree in 1324 AH. These newspapers underwent significant changes in terms of content. One aspect worth exploring constitutional era newspapers in Qajar is the presence of &quot;advertisements&quot; often referred to as &quot;E&#039;lān&quot;. These advertisements provided valuable insights into the social and economic conditions of Iranian cities, shedding light on the neglected aspects of social and economic history that were not found in narrative sources. This study focused on evaluating advertisements in &quot;Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper&quot;, one of the prominent newspapers of the constitutional era. The study aimed to answer the fundamental question: What social and economic information did the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper offered about the life in Tabriz during the constitutional era? In other words, what advertising-related data did Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper contain and how significant were these data in understanding urban life in Tabriz at that time? The research utilized a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative research methods were employed in the collection and description of reports, while quantitative statistical methods were utilized for data analysis. Thus, this research adopted a descriptive-analytical approach to studying advertisement. By evaluating and summarizing the available data, the study concluded that the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper not only shed light on the neglected social and economic aspects of Tabriz society during that time, but also reflected the emerging nationalist tendencies and promoted social action, such as supporting domestic goods and imposing embargoes on foreign goods.
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords&lt;em&gt;:&lt;/em&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;Advertisements, Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, Tabriz, Constitutionalism, E&#039;lān.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Newspaper publication gained popularity among the Iranian population during the Qajar Period. With the success of the Constitutional Movement and constitutional provisions regarding newspapers and magazines, their prevalence increased even further. Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper known by various titles, such as &quot;Ruznama-e Melli&quot;, &quot;Jarida-e Melli&quot;, and &quot;Anjuman-e Tabriz&quot;, held significant importance during the early years of the Constitutional Movement. One notable section of this newspaper was &quot;E&#039;lān&quot; or section of advertisements. This essay aimed to examine the contents of advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper and uncover the political and social reflections of the time within them. The study concluded that the newspaper&#039;s advertisements indeed reflected specific social and political aspects of life in Tabriz, along with emerging nationalistic tendencies and encouragement for political participation. The existing research on this topic has often remained limited to general observations and has not delved deeply into the sources. It is unrealistic to expect detailed insights from studies that have explored broad topics like Qajar Period newspapers. To investigate the city of Tabriz specifically, this study focused on local advertisements that reflected local interests.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
This research employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. The qualitative approach was utilized for data collection and description, while the quantitative methods were employed for statistical analysis. Therefore, our study adopted an analytical-descriptive approach to examine the advertisements. In the quantitative analysis of advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, we presented the content in tables to provide an overview of the entire corpus of advertisements in the newspaper.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Research Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
The ads and semi-ads in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper could be classified into 3 categories: formal ads, encouragement ads, and negative ads. These advertisements covered a wide range of goods and services with a particular emphasis on school supplies, books, and medical products/servicesrepresenting cultural and hygienic products. Notably, there were concepts promoting the protection of domestically made products and urging urban elites to invest in infrastructure projects, which constituted a significant portion of the advertisements. When examining negative ads, it is worth mentioning the boycott of certain foreign goods, industries, and granting of exclusive rights. This indicated a growing support among urban elites for domestically made goods. By considering the informal ads and negative ads together, one could observe a trend among the societal elites, demonstrating a heightened awareness and collective action during the early constitutional era to support Iranian-made products while avoiding foreign-made ones. Hence, it could be argued that the advertisement trends reflected the political developments in Tabriz during that specified period.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
As previously mentioned, the primary focus of this research was to explore the valuable historical insights and information regarding the social and economic life in Tabriz during the early constitutional era through an analysis of the advertisements published in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper. Our findings revealed that these advertisements indeed reflected certain nationalistic tendencies, emphasizing support for domestically made products and promoting collective action to boycott imported goods. Additionally, they provided valuable insights into the common aspects of the economic and social life in Tabriz during that era. By categorizing the advertisements into the three main groups of formal/official ads, promotional ads, and negative ads, we illustrated the extensive range of content and the diverse array of goods and services featured. However, it is worth noting that the ads related to schools, books, and medical goods and services dominated the advertisement corpus in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper, thus occurring most frequently. Furthermore, the ideas promoting the support of Iranian products and encouraging urban elites to invest in infrastructure projects held a significant position, occupying a prominent place within the promotional section.</OtherAbstract>
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