دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 Acceptance of Officials and Cooperation with the Oppressive Government in the Political Path of Imam Sadiq (AS) منصب ‏پذیری و همکاری با حکومت‏‎ ستمگر در سیرۀ سیاسی امام صادق(ع) 1 13 27145 10.22108/jhr.2022.133450.2351 FA حسین حسینیان مقدم دانشیار گروه تاریخ اسلام، پژوهشگاه حوزه و دانشگاه، قم، ایران Journal Article 2022 05 10 Abstract There are different propositions regarding the cooperation of the Shia with the oppressive rulers, especially the acceptance of positions by them. This cooperation was significantly manifested during the Abbasid period. In this regard, the purpose of the present historical study was to investigate the acceptance of officials and cooperation with the oppressive government in the political path of Imam Sadiq (AS). Despite the reports that indicated the prohibition of cooperation with the government, some of the followers of Imam Sadiq (AS) cooperated with the Abbasid caliphate in various fields and held positions, such as governing different regions, judging, and keeping treasury. The Abbasids were not sensitive to these collaborations as long as their government was not threatened. For example, Abdullah bin Senan was trusted by the Shiites and was as the same time among the financial and military officials of the Abbasids. It seems that the sanctity of any kinds of cooperation and acceptance of office, in addition to the Kharijites, was strongly emphasized and propagated by the Zaidis in favor of the armed uprising. They objected the Imam (AS) and wanted to know why he was interacting with a government that he considered invalid. The many and numerous questions of the Shias from the Imam (AS), as well as the narrations from him about cooperation, showed the contrast of different approaches during the period of Imam Sadiq (AS). Introduction Writing independent treatises on the subject of cooperation from the middle of the 4th century onwards shows the importance of examining the role of Imam (AS) in that tense atmosphere. It seems that the ‘Essay on the Acts of the Sultan’ [Resaleh fi Amal al-Sultan] written by Muhammad bin Ahmad bin Dawud Qomi (368 AH) (Najashi, 1416 AH, p. 384) is the oldest work in this regard. Saduq’s ‘the Book of Sultan’ (381 AH), Boshanji Iraqi’s (lived 400 AH) ‘The Book of the Acts of the Sultan’ (Najashi, 1416 AH, pp. 390, 68), and Seyyed Mortaza’s ‘Mas'alatha fi al-Amal with the Sultan’ (see: Seyyed Mortaza, 1405 AH, Vol. 2, pp. 89-97) have examined cooperation with the government from a jurisprudential point of view. This issue is still discussed by jurists with different views. The emergency view of Sheikh Mofid, the esteemed view of Sheikh Tusi, and the respectful view of Sheikh Ansari are the most important views in this regard. Among the new studies, in an article called ‘Politics in the thought and behavior of Shiite jurists of the Al-Buyeh era’ (published by Tehran University Faculty of Literature and Humanities Quarterly, No. 182, 1386, pp. 62-39), Esmail Hasanzadeh (2007) considered expediency as one of the foundations of the political thought and behavior of the jurists of Baghdad School in the era of Al-Buyeh, justifying the theory of the permissibility of cooperation with the government. Hasani Nasab (2018) also accepted the same trend and with the hypothesis that Sheikh Mufid was the first Shiite scholar, who considered cooperation permissible due to the rise of Al-Buyeh and influenced the thinking of the jurists of Baghdad School. In this regard, he wrote an article entitled ‘Cooperation with Sultans based on the Scholars’ views about the Thoughts of Imamiyya’, which was a case study of Baghdad School’ (Daulat Pzohohi, Vol. 19, pp. 55-79). A hypothesis that was not documented by historical evidence stated that at least Ahmad bin Muhammad Isa Ash'ari (died in the 3rd century AH) and his father cooperated with the Sultan and held their status and dignity with him (Najashi, 1416 AH, pp. 82 and 338). In the book of Al-Nawader (1408 AH) Ahmad Ash'ari also narrated from Imam Baqir (AS) that “there was no need to the Sultan” (p. 163). The studies conducted showed that the subject in question, despite the background of jurisprudence studies, did not have a background with a historical perspective in the realm of the tradition and political life of Imam Sadiq (AS). Thus, the purpose of the present historical study was to investigate the acceptance of officials and cooperation with the oppressive government in the political path of Imam Sadiq (AS) Materials and Methods The present study was based on the historical approach by using the existing statements and events and relying on the expression, description, and analysis of the characteristics of biographical studies. Upon benefiting from various sources in the early, middle, and late centuries, as well as using new studies, it was tried to answer this question: What is the place of cooperation with the oppressive government in the political path of Imam Sadiq (AS)? It is worth mentioning that the historical approach in biographical studies does not necessarily mean exclusive or maximum use of historical sources. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The research was organized based on the two axes of cooperation and relationships in the light of agency. It was found that Imam Sadiq (AS) did not choose the method of coercion and isolation, nor did he choose the method of emotional struggle and sanctions of cooperation, nor did he allow cooperation with the illegitimate government to be unrestricted in the tense conditions of his era, while rejecting excesses. Therefore, by choosing rational moderation, relying on custom and rationalism within the framework of religious teachings, he linked the acceptance of official and beneficial cooperation based on the surrounding conditions and time requirements, as well as individual’s ability and capacity. He denied a one-dimensional view in this regard. In this way, he forbade some to cooperate, but accepted the conditional cooperation of others; on the other hand, he ordered some to accept cooperation and gave orders to the governors. Such a way of life was based on active presence in the social arena to advance religious goals and not being digested in the majority's intellectual flow, which kept Shia from the danger of isolation, but distanced from sects such as Kharijites and Zaidis, This showed that targeted cooperation was recommended in some cases. گزاره‏‎های متفاوتی در منابع روایی و تاریخی دربارۀ همکاری با حاکمان ستمگر و به تعبیری پذیرش پُست و مقام از سوی آنان وجود دارد. به‌رغم گزارش‏‎هایی که بیانگر نهی از همکاری با حکومت است، برخی صحابیان امام صادق(ع) با خلافت عباسی در زمینه‏‎های مختلف همکاری داشته‏‎اند و از سوی دستگاه خلافت، مناصبی مانند حاکمیت، قضاوت و خزانه‏‎داری را عهده‏‎دار بوده‏‎اند. پرسش‏‎های متعدد شیعیان از امام(ع) دربارۀ منصب‏‎پذیری و همکاری با حکومت، نشان از فضای عمومی حرمت‏‎شماریِ همکاری و در مواردی نیز بیانگر تمایل برخی شیعیان به همکاری است. نوشتار حاضر با رویکرد تاریخی و بر پایۀ گزارش‏‎های موجود، با تکیه بر بیان مصادیق، توصیف و تحلیل و نیز بهره‏‎مندی از منابع مختلف و تحقیقات جدید کوشیده است به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که همکاری با حکومت در سنت و سیرۀ سیاسی امام صادق(ع) چه جایگاهی دارد. یافته‏‎های تحقیق نشان می‏‎دهد همکاری هدفمند در چارچوب ارزش‏‎های دینی نه‌تنها منعی ندارد، حتی در مواردی سفارش شده است. گویا حرام‏‎پنداریِ همکاری و منصب‏‎پذیری، افزون بر فرقۀ خوارج، از سوی زیدیان نیز تبلیغ و تأکید می‏‎شد؛ زیرا آنان باورمندان به قیام مسلحانه در هر شرایطی بودند. امام صادق(ع) با انتخاب راه میانه و اعتدال، همکاری سودمندانه را برای شیعه برگزید تا هم شیعه را از خطر انزوا دور نگه دارد و هم از تقویت‏ ستمکاری پرهیز داده باشد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27145_06c994dfd38853d0f1cb45fc155668aa.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 Traveler hygiene measures in Safavid Iran تدبیر حفظ‌الصحۀ مسافر در ایران عصر صفوی 15 32 27174 10.22108/jhr.2022.133818.2360 FA محمدعلی پرغو دانشیار گروه تاریخ و موسسه تاریخ و فرهنگ ایران، دانشکده ی حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران جواد علیپور جواد علیپور، پژوهشگر پسادکتری موسسه تاریخ و فرهنگ ایران، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران Journal Article 2022 05 25 Human beings' concern for hygiene and restoring health to the body in various situations, especially when traveling, has been an ever-present issue. Therefore, the current research is based on this question: What was the response to the hygienic and health needs of travelers in Safavid Iran? The findings of the present study, based on a descriptive-analytical method, show that travel in the Safavid era, with various religious, military, and commercial goals and motives, was primarily done on land (on foot and horseback), and by sea. Under hygiene protection measures and various treatment methods, the behavioral approach to responding to the traveler's hygiene and health needs is presented under the intellectual atmosphere and the humor medicine system (four temperaments). The occurrence of various physical and mental challenges for the traveler along the way was the result of moving while traveling. Therefore, gaining the necessary knowledge, taking measures, and making changes in habits and patterns of behavior before traveling was necessary to prepare the body. Adhering to six core principles of maintaining hygiene safeguarded the health of the traveler's body during travel. In proportion to the duration of the travel and the two important variables of heat and cold, there was the possibility of catching various diseases and facing harmful conditions such as thirst, hunger, fatigue, heatstroke, frostbite, scalding, and injuries. Different treatments have been provided by physicians to solve all kinds of conditions and complications, depending on the situation and temperament of the person. حفظ صحت و اعادۀ سلامت به بدن، در موقعیت‌های مختلف به‌ویژه در هنگام سفر، همواره درخور توجه انسان بوده است؛ بنابراین پژوهش حاضر براساس این مسئله شکل‌گرفته است که پاسخگویی به نیازهای بهداشتی و صحی مسافر در ایران عصر صفوی، به چه نحوی انجام می‌گرفت؟ یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر براساس روش توصیفی – تحلیلی، نشان می‌دهد مسافرت در عصر صفوی با اهداف و انگیزه‌های گوناگون دینی، نظامی و تجاری، عمدتاً به‌صورت زمینی (پیاده و سواره) و یا سفر دریایی انجام می‌گرفت. رویکرد رفتاری در پاسخگویی به نیازهای بهداشتی و صحی مسافر، متناسب با فضای فکری و نظام طب اخلاطی، ذیل تدابیر حفظ‌الصحه و روش‌های مختلف درمانی ارائه شده است. نتیجۀ حرکت و جابه‌جایی به هنگام مسافرت، بروز چالش‌های مختلف جسمی/ روحی در طول مسیر برای مسافر بود؛ بنابراین کسب آگاهی و آشنایی لازم، اتخاذ تدابیر و ایجاد تغییر در عادات و الگوهای رفتاری قبل از آغاز سفر، برای آماده‌سازی بدن ضروری بود. مراعات اصول شش‌گانۀ حفظ‌الصحه، حافظ صحت بدن مسافر در طول حرکت بود. در تناسب با زمان مسافرت و دو متغیر مهم گرما و سرما، امکان بروز انواع امراض و حالاتی چون تشنگی و عطش، گرسنگی، خستگی، گرمازدگی، سرمازدگی، سوختگی و جراحت وجود داشت. برای رفع انواع حالات و عوارض ایجادشده، بسته به موقعیت و مزاج فرد، طبیبان روش‌های مختلف درمانی را ارائه کرده‌اند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27174_58df98d44470a5bc987e0aead3d760d2.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 Historiographic Components of Muhammad Ibn Ishāq Hamawi in Anis al-Mu'minin مؤلفه‎‍های تاریخ‎‍نگاری محمد بن ‎‍اسحاق ‎‍حموی در کتاب انیس‎‍المؤمنین 33 52 26914 10.22108/jhr.2022.134096.2371 FA مصطفی داوری دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد گروه تاریخ تشیع، دانشکده الهیات، دانشگاه حکیم سبزواری، سبزوار، ایران زینب امیدیان استادیار گروه تاریخ تشیع، دانشکده الهیات، دانشگاه حکیم سبزواری، سبزوار، ایران یعقوب تابش استادیار گروه تاریخ تشیع، دانشکده الهیات، دانشگاه حکیم سبزواری، سبزوار، ایران Journal Article 2022 06 26 Abstract Anīs al-Mu’menīn is the Name of an old, little-known book by Mohammad ibn Ishaq Hamawi (938 AH), who is known as "Fażluddīn Abharī". This book is one of the prominent examples of Imams' biographies in the early Safavid period, in which the author appeared as a competent historian-theologian and wrote the Imams' life history according to his needs of time. Therefore, the present article tried to understand the components of Fażluddīn's historiography by reading the text of Anīs al-Mu’menīn with a descriptive-analytical method. The question was whether there was a connection between the way of his historiography in the book of Anīs al-Mu’menīn with the political and cultural conditions of the time when the text was written. The results of this analysis showed that the text of Anīs al-Mu’menīn focused on the three components of establishing legitimacy of the Imamate of the Imams (AS) by focusing on proving the legitimacy of Imam Ali's (AS) succession, secularization of Sunnis by marginalizing the caliphs, especially the first three caliphs, and alienation of the Sufists based on the marginalization of Abu Muslim and its narrators. These components were strongly influenced by the events of Hamavi's era, such as the religious unification policy of the Safavids, the need for the Iranian society to recognize the virtues and callings of Imams (AS), the disagreement between Shia and Sunni discourse, and the competition between Shia scholars and jurists with Sufis Qezelbash or in other words, the confrontation between Feqahati Shia and popular or Sufi Shia in the first half of the 10th century of Hijri. Introduction One of the main activities of Shiites in the field of historiography in different periods has been writing the Imams’ biographies. One of the periods, in which writing of the Imams’ biographies has flourished, is the Safavid period, which has not been researched despite its importance. Therefore, in this research, one of the prominent examples of the Imams’ biographies in the Safavid period, i.e., the book of Anīs al-Mu’menīn written by Mohammad ibn Ishaq Hamavi, was investigated. Hamavi is among the preachers, hadith scholars, and historians of the Shia religion in the 10th century of Hijri. As a Persian-speaking Iranian scholar, he was the link between the religious civil institution and the mass of people. It can be guessed that the government's support for him by allowing him to have a religious platform in mosques (a mass media) and write his works has played an important role in increasing his fame and influence in the public on the one hand and implementing the religious programs of Shah Tahmasb's era on the other hand. Therefore, the study of Anīs al-Mu’menīn helped us to reveal a part of the concerns and methods of the newly established religious institution of Shia in the Safavid era to stabilize and change popular beliefs based on the special beliefs of that institution. Therefore, understanding the reason for writing the book of Anīs al-Mu’menīn by knowing the historiographical features of the work was the subject of the present research. Materials & Methods To understand the historiography of Hamavi, the text of Anīs al-Mu’menīn and the main sources of the Safavid era were carefully studied to identify the relationship between the text, the author, and the historical-cultural and political situations of his time. Understanding this relationship could clarify the components of his historiography. In fact, no work was written in a vacuum. The three factors of author, context, and time had an effect on the reason for producing the text. Discussion of Results & Conclusions Hamavi wrote his book entitled Anīs al-Mu’menīn during the time of Shah Tahmasb in 938 AH. With the cooperation of Shia scholars and jurists, he formed a Shia religious structure to manage the Shia attitude in the Iranian society. Mohaqeq Karaki was one of the scholars, who had a significant role in this new structure and integration of the Shia religion in the Iranian society. He considered the cultural approach more efficient than the political and military conflict for stabilizing Shiism in Iran. In this cultural process for religious conversion in Iran, Karaki's students, including Fażluddīn Hamavi, helped him. It was in line with this cultural goal that Hamavi wrote the text of Anīs al-Mu’menīn. The first central component of the text was the proof of the authenticity of the Imamate of the twelve Shia Imams. In fact, this issue proved the authenticity of Shiism. The second component of the text, which Hamavi took help from was alienation of the Sunnis. His focuses in establishing the components of Imamate and proselytizing the Sunnis were on the righteousness of Imam Ali (AS) and rejection and marginalization of the first three caliphs, respectively. The third component of the text was alienation of the Sufis, which was done with the marginalization of Abu Moslem because Hamavi’s other goal was discrediting Shia folk concepts and Sufi rituals. Therefore, in the text of “Anīs al-Mu’menīn”, Abu Moslem as the hero of the Sufis and the name of Abu Moslem as their important tool were rejected and marginalized in various ways. In fact, the main purpose of writing the book of Anīs al-Mu’menīn was to prove the legitimacy of the Shia Imamate based on reading Shia jurisprudence, not Sufi and popular Shia. Therefore, in this text, Hamavi fought against rivals and the competing ideas. In short, these competing ideas showed themselves in two areas: the component of rejecting Sunan with emphasis on the marginalization of the caliphs and the very important component of rejecting Sufism based on the marginalization of Abu Moslem. Therefore, Hamavi took help from these last two components to prove the authenticity of the Shiite Imamate. «انیس‎‍المؤمنین» عنوان کتابی کهن و کمتر شناخته‌شده از محمد بن‎‍ اسحاق ‎‍حموی (زنده در 938ق) است؛ همو که به «فاضل‎‍الدین ابهری» نامبردار است. این کتاب از نمونه‎‍های شاخصِ شرح‌حال‌نویسی ائمه در اوایل دورۀ صفویه است که مؤلف در آن به سان مورخ-متکلمی توانمند ظاهر شده و متناسب با نیازهای زمانه‎‍اش، تاریخ زندگانی ائمه(ع) را نگارش کرده ‎‍‎‍است؛ از این ‎‍رو مقالۀ حاضر تلاش می‎‍کند تا با خوانش متن انیس‎‍المؤمنین، با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به فهم مؤلفه‎‍های تاریخ‎‍نگاری فاضل‎‍الدین بپردازد و به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که چه ارتباطی بین تاریخ‎‍نگاری او در کتاب انیس‎‍المؤمنین با شرایط سیاسی-فرهنگی زمانۀ نگارش متن وجود دارد؟ نتایج این واکاوی نشان می‎‍دهد متن انیس‎‍المؤمنین بر سه مؤلفۀ تثبیت حقانیت امامت ائمه(ع) به‎‍واسطۀ تمرکز بر اثبات حقانیت جانشینی امام علی(ع)، غیریت‎‍سازی اهل تسنن با حاشیه‎‍رانی خلفا، به‎‍ویژه خلفای سه‎‍گانه و نیز مؤلفۀ غیریت‎‍سازی اهل تصوف با حاشیه‎‍رانی ابومسلم و قصه‎‍خوانان آن استوار بوده است. این مؤلفه‎‍ها به‌شدت متأثر از زمانۀ حموی یعنی سیاست یکپارچه‎‍‎‍سازی مذهبی صفویان، ضرورت احساس نیاز جامعۀ ایرانی به شناخت فضائل و مناقب ائمه(ع)، تقابل گفتمان تشیع و تسنن و نیز رقابت علما و فقهای تشیع با صوفیان قزلباش یا به عبارت دیگر تقابل شیعۀ فقاهتی با شیعۀ عامیانه یا صوفیانه در نیمۀ اول سدۀ دهم هجری بوده ‎‍است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26914_22423e1e6d90442007daf3a141bdfc02.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 The Reasons for Millspaugh's Failure in Reforming Iran's Financial Affairs (1943- 1945) دلایل ناکامی میلسپو در اصلاح امور مالی ایران (1323- 1321ش) 53 70 27141 10.22108/jhr.2022.134507.2391 FA محمد بختیاری استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران 0000-0003-2688-9648 Journal Article 2022 07 23 Abstract Arthur Millspaugh came to Iran twice as a financial counselor to solve the macroeconomic problems of the country by carrying out reforms in the financial and administrative structures. In his first mission (1301-1306 AH), he was able to achieve relative success and make changes in the financial and tax systems, but in the second mission (1321-1323 AH), according to the supporters and opponents, he was not very successful and finally, she left Iran with frustration and sadness. Many opinions have been raised about the reasons for Millspaugh's failure triggered by his supporters and opponents. The current research tried to investigate the reasons for Millspaugh's failure in reforming Iran's financial affairs in his second mission by relying on documentary and library sources and using a descriptive-analytical method. The results of the research showed that there were traces of truth in the views of both supporters and opponents and various factors, such as Millspaugh's dictatorial ethics, his complete lack of knowledge and understanding of the political, social, and cultural structures of the Iranian society, preference for personal and American interests over the interests of the Iranian nation and government, existence of corruption and disorder in the administrative and economic structures of Iran, instability and discord in the political system of Iran, disruption and obstruction caused by oppositions, critical conditions caused by the World War and the Soviet domination of the northern provinces, and prevention of the transfer of products from these regions to the central parts had an effect on Millspaugh’s failure. Introduction: The occupation of Iran by the Allies in World War II and Reza Shah’s forced resignation created very chaotic conditions. Various political, religious, and tribal groups that were severely suppressed during Reza Shah's time found themselves in an atmosphere to express themselves and revive their lost power and caused hypocrisy and chaos in the society. Dealers and traders took advantage of the situation and caused high prices and inflation in the society by hoarding and smuggling the goods needed by the people. Many government employees, who were unable to support themselves due to the sharp increase in the cost of living, considered the current chaotic conditions and the lack of sufficient supervision as an opportunity to receive bribes and do all kinds of corruption. In such a situation, there was a need for a powerful government and a united and strong parliament that could take control of the situation and save the country from this chaotic condition. However, there was no trace of a strong, coherent, and stable government, nor of independent, knowledgeable, and resourceful representatives in the 13th Parliament. Mohammad Reza Shah did not have the authority and influence of his father to take control of the situation. The Allies, who themselves had caused the current situation by occupying the country, were causing the situation to become more critical by buying and transferring part of Iran's grain to the Soviet Union and using Iran's means of communication and transportation. At one time, they considered the presence of a powerful and tyrannical government in Iran to protect their interests and at another time, they preferred to send an advisor to control the situation; at this time, they chose the second option and recommended it to Iran. The Iranian government, parliament, and king, who had the ability neither to oppose the demands of the allies, nor to solve the country's numerous political, economic, and social problems, took their advice as their goal and hoped to improve the situation by hiring Millspaugh as the head of Finance Sector. During his two-year stay in Iran (1321-1323), Millspaugh took measures to reform financial and administrative affairs, but according to his supporters and opponents, he could not improve the country's situation and the desired economic and financial reforms even by his own implicit admission. Regarding the reasons for Millespo's failure, many critical cases were raised by him and his fans on the one hand and his opponents and critics on the other hand. The current research tried to investigate and verify the reasons for Millspaugh’s failure caused by both parties by relying on the available documents and using an analytical approach. Material & Methods: The current research tried to investigate the reasons for Millspaugh's failure in reforming Iran's financial affairs in his second mission by relying on documentary and library sources and using a descriptive-analytical method. Discussion of Results & Conclusions: In the present study, the reasons for Millspaugh's failure in reforming Iran's financial affairs during the occupation of the country in World War II were investigated and the opinions of two groups of supporters and opponents of Millspaugh were presented and validated. Examination of the available documents showed that there were traces of truth in the views of both groups and various factors, such as the interference and disruption caused by oppositions, negligence of the government and parliament in approving Millspaugh’s proposed bills, existence of corrupt administrative and financial structures in Iran. Soviet disruption and obstruction in the transfer of grains from the north of Iran to the central regions and the lack of funds and sufficient facilities on the one hand and Millspaugh's lack of experience and competence for being in charge of an important job, such as the head of Finance Sector in the country, his lack of full knowledge and understanding of the political and administrative structures in Iran, adoption of inappropriate and sometimes conflicting policies and decisions, his arrogance and self-righteousness in many cases, and preference of personal and American interests over the interests of the nation and government of Iran on the other hand were found to have contributed to his failure. آرتور میلسپو دوبار به‌عنوان مستشار مالی به ایران آمد تا با انجام اصلاحاتی در ساختار مالی و اداری، مشکلات کلان اقتصادی کشور را رفع کند. او در مأموریت نخست (1306- 1301ش) توانست موفقیتی نسبی کسب کند و تغییراتی در نظام مالی و مالیاتی انجام دهد؛ اما در مأموریت دوم (1323- 1321ش)، موفقیت چندانی نداشت و درنهایت، ایران را با ناکامی ترک کرد. دربارۀ دلایل موفق‌نشدن میلسپو دیدگاه‎‍های متعددی از سوی موافقان و مخالفان او مطرح شده است. پژوهش حاضر درصدد است با تکیه بر منابع اسنادی و کتابخانه‎‍ای و با روش توصیفی - تحلیلی، دلایل ناکامی میلسپو در اصلاح امور مالی ایران را در مأموریت دوم او بررسی کند و به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که چرا میلسپو برخلاف مأموریت اول خود، در مأموریت دوم چندان موفق نبوده است؟ نتایج این تحقیق نشان می‎‍دهد در دیدگاه هر دو گروه موافقان و مخالفان، رگه‎‍هایی از حقیقت وجود دارد و عوامل مختلفی همچون تکبر و خودرأیی میلسپو، نداشتن شناخت و آگاهی کامل او از ساختار سیاسی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی جامعۀ ایران، ترجیح منافع شخصی و آمریکا بر منافع ملت و دولت ایران، وجود فساد و بی‎‍نظمی در ساختار اداری و اقتصادی ایران، بی‎‍ثباتی و اختلاف در نظام سیاسی ایران، کارشکنی و مانع‎‍تراشی مخالفان، شرایط بحرانی ناشی از جنگ جهانی و تسلط شوروی بر استان‎‍های شمالی و ممانعت از انتقال محصولات به مناطق مرکزی، در ناکامی میلسپو تأثیر داشتند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27141_8987b9c6ffa00a92fd5bc89fea1a4431.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 The Chronological Process of Substituting Military Governments of the Levant from Tutush I till Saladin روند زمانی جایگزینی حکومت‌های نظامی شام از به قدرت رسیدن تتش بن آلپ ارسلان تا به قدرت رسیدن صلاح‌الدین ایوبی 71 86 27181 10.22108/jhr.2022.135235.2417 FA مهدی محمدی استادیار گروه تاریخ اسلام دانشکده مطالعات اسلامی دانشگاه بین المللی اهل بیت Journal Article 2022 09 25 Abstract Since the formation of Seljuks in the Levant, this region was subject to unrest, which continued the chaotic trend of the post-Hamdanid. What took place in the Levant in the Seljuk period was a series of replacing the governments by the soldiers of the same dynasty one after the other from 478 till 570 A. H. This research aimed to answer this question: What was the process of substituting governments in this period? To this goal, the reasons for the rise and fall of the Levant's governments and the records of substitute dynasties had to be analyzed. By using the quantitative historical method, the procedure of these substitutions was mapped. According to this study, the chronological process of substituting the governments had increased over time. The former disturbs were managed to be settled and the short-term rulers -inheritances of Arab tribes- to be altered by long dynasties, such as the Zengid and Ayyubid dynasties. Introduction Some of the Levant governments were overthrown by foreign powers and as usual, the stronger governments prevailed over weaker ones. In the time frame presented in this paper, several local governments fell in this manner, among which we could mention Banu Ammar in Tripoli. There was another form of overthrowing a government that arose from within and took over. Those who served the former government then became the ones possessing power, resulting in dynasties, such as Burid, Zangid Atabegs, and Ayyubid dynasties. Since this form of conquest was defined as an uprising in the political terms of that time and new dynasties needed continuous efforts to maintain power and assemble sufficient legitimacy for themselves, they went through the process of start-points and continuance. Though each new dynasty tried to have a starting point of its own, they had to use covers, such as gaining the Atabeg of a Seljuk prince or receiving a charter from the Abbasid Caliph. Thus, only the passage of time and their behaviors to preserve their land became a factor of legitimacy that they had to earn it after several internal revolts of the generals. In other words, after some time, the land became their ancestral property and the oppressing commanders needed time to construct their property. Materials and Methods The author first dealt with the contexts of the fall and succession of the cited governments in this period. Therefore, he used the contextual description method. Accordingly, the political and social contexts of the lands and those, who started the new governance, were examined. Because the substitutions happened from T1 till time T2 in the context of time, a chronologic method was applied to estimate the government changes. Finally, the chronological and historical methods joined a quantitative view. The time passage had to be taken seriously to evaluate the stability of the government during their ruling time. The quantitative method also took the internal courses of the governments into account. The author tried to find the substitution process year to evaluate the alternative trends and identify the quantitative strategy for these events. Discussion and Conclusions The substitution of the Levant dynasties at that time was affected by instability, insecurity, and the pressure of foreign governments, building the necessity of raising a new government within the former. Therefore, the people who supported the Turk or semi-Turk troops could start a new dynasty from the heart of the previous one. The survival of the new government and its resistance towards subsequent replacement largely depended on managing the crisis that happened to the Levant in their time. Hence, the Burid took over the Seljuks of Damascus, but they were able to withstand the substitution trend for a long time because of their adequacy to protect Damascus against Crusaders and expansionists. First, it was assumed that all substitutions of the Levant governments followed an integrated pattern, but the data of the quantitative hypotheses proved it wrong. Based on the years that a dynasty maintained power in the Levant, the substitution process had increased from the Seljuks to the Ayyubid dynasty. This indicated stability in the Levant since the time of the Hamdanid. When the Hamdanid dynasty ended, the Arab tribes took control of this region and handed over a turbulent region to the Seljuks. The conflict between the Seljuk rulers brought this earlier chaos to the period of Ridwan's successors. Therefore, since the arrival of the first Turkmen associated with a rough and chaotic period in the Levant, these government changes grew until the Ayyubid dynasty. Saladin and his brother managed to divide the Ayyubid dynasty into the Ayyubid of the Levant and Egypt. Still, the Ayyubid dynasty held power in the 7th century A.H. Due to the timeframe of this paper, the substitution of the Ayyubid was not looked into; however, their long-term stability and continuation could be generalized to the Mamluk Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire, which certainly requires another research. از زمان تشکیل شاخه‌ای از سلجوقیان در شام، این منطقه دستخوش ناآرامی‌ها و در ادامۀ روند آشوب دوران پساحمدانی بود. آنچه از دورۀ سلجوقیان در شام اتفاق افتاد، روندی از جایگزینی حکومت‌ها توسط نیروهای نظامی همان سلسله بود که یکی پس از دیگری از سال 478 تا 570ه.ق. روی کار آمدند. این پژوهش تلاش کرده است تا به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که روند جایگزینی حکومت‌ها در این بازۀ زمانی چگونه بود؟ برای پاسخ به این سؤال زمینه‌های سقوط و جانشینی حکومت‌های شام و پیشینۀ افرادی بررسی ‌شده است که سلسله‌ای را جایگزین سلسلۀ پیشین کرده‌اند و درنهایت با استفاده از روش تاریخی کمی، روند جایگزینی بررسی شده است. براساس یافته‌های پژوهش، جایگزینی سلسله‌ها ازنظر زمانی روندی رو به افزایش داشته و به‌مرور از تشتت‌های قبلی، که میراث حکومت‌های محلی و کوتاه‌مدت قبایل عرب بود، کاسته شده است تا به سلسله‌های طولانی و گسترده‌ای مانند زنگیان و ایوبیان ختم شده است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27181_59eec3debc5ae1a7da9d9d6baac6b88a.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 14 4 2022 12 22 Proof of War and Physical Conflict in the Battle of Bani Qurayzah اثبات وقوع جنگ و درگیری فیزیکی در غزوۀ بنی‌قریظه 87 106 27189 10.22108/jhr.2022.133845.2361 FA مژگان آهنگر داودی پژوهشگر مطالعات اسلامی، گروه پژوهشی پویا فکر، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2022 06 01 1. Abstract The battle of Bani Qurayzah is one of the challenging events in the Prophet’s (PBUH) life. It is said that Bani Qurayzah was besieged by the prophet’s troops, forced to surrender, and their men were killed in captivity. But there is evidence of the occurrence of physical conflict in the battle of Bani Qurayzah, which indicates a flaw in the famous report. In the present study, this evidence is presented in five headings. First, we show that there is no tradition indicating the absence of physical warfare in the Bani Qurayzah incident, while some sources are silent on this issue and others have expressed images of shooting in this war. There are also traditions that report the bravery of Imam Ali (AS) and Zubair ibn al-Awwam on the battlefield but have been abandoned due to the silence of well-known sources. Verses by Hassan ibn Thabit are also presented as evidence of the battle of Qurayzah, which depicts a bloody war. Also, the difference between the fate of Bani Qurayzah and Bani Nadir in the occurrence of physical warfare is well illustrated in the narration of Abdullah ibn Umar and the verses of Hassan ibn Thabit as real witnesses. Another important reason is how the spoils of this war were divided and distributed among its Muslim participants after estimating and separating the khums (one-fifth) of the spoils. This method of dividing the spoils which is different from the way they were handed over to the prophet in the Bani Nadir incident indicates the occurrence of a physical conflict in Qurayzah. These pieces of evidence, which have no contradictory alternatives, indicate the occurrence of physical warfare in the battle of Bani Qurayzah. Introduction The incident of Bani Qurayzah is a challenging case that researchers are still seeking to find the truth. In the 5th century A.H., the Jews of Bani Qurayzah broke their confederation with the Muslims and participated in the Khandaq War against Muslims. When the battle of Khandaq was over, the Prophet (PBUH) and the Muslims went to Bani Qurayzah. It is said that Bani Qurayza surrendered and their men were killed in captivity. But, there is evidence of war and conflict in Bani Qurayza. This issue indicates a flaw in the famous report. Materials and Methods There is a lot of research on the Bani Qurayzah campaign, which is mainly focused on historical sources, while considering the narrative structure of ancient history books, it is better to base this research on various hadith narrations rather than sources. Therefore, in this study, the investigation is based on historical narratives. Discussion The historical reasons that indicate the occurrence of war and conflict in Bani Qurayzah are categorized under five headings, which are: 4.1. Shoot and War or the Silence of Sources Musnad traditions that provide general information about the incident of Qurayzah have very little data about the conditions of the encounter between Bani Qurayza and Muslims. From these narrations, some of them are silent about the war and conflict in Bani Qurayzah, and others have mentioned the occurrence of war in Qurayzah. There are several narratives about the shooting in Bani Qurayzah. According to these narrations, the shooting in Bani Qurayzah is certain. 4.2. Hassan ibn Thabit's Poetry Ibn Hisham, quoting from Ibn Ishaq, has included some poems by Hassan ibn Thabit under the Qurayzah incident. Hassan is one of the greatest Arab poets before the advent of Islam and at the beginning of the Islamic period. He is one of the witnesses of the Qurayzah battle. In one of his verses, he says: “We let them go while they did not gain anything, except that their blood became like a pool in which they had splashed”. In this verse, it is emphasized that Bani Qurayza were killed in the place of Qurayza. This issue contradicts what Ibn Ishaq says about killing Quraizah in the Medina market. 4.3. Bravery of Imam Ali (AS) and Zubair in the Qurayza Incident In a narration by Abd al-Karim Jazri, the bravery of Zubair bin Awam in the Qurayzah incident is discussed. There is also a narrative about the bravery of Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS) in the Qurayzah incident, which Tabarsi quotes in his book Al-Ihtjaj. 4.4. Difference between the Incident of Qurayzah and the Incident of Bani Nadir The differences between the fate of Bani Nadir and Qurayzah have been expressed in the poems of Hassan bin Thabit and the narration of Abdullah bin Umar. The difference between the fates of Qurayzah and Nadir is mentioned in the verses of Hasan bin Thabit with the informant ‘Qad Laqit Qurayza Ma Saaha’. Also, in a part of the narration of Abdullah bin Umar, it is stated that Bani Nadir and Qurayzah were involved in a common incident and fought with the Prophet (PBUH), the result of which was Bani Nadir’s expulsion and Qurayzah remained. After that, Quraizah fought with the Prophet (PBUH) and suffered a severe defeat. This narration supports the poetry of Hassan bin Thabit. 4.5. Distribution of the Spoils of Qurayzah among the Participants in that War As mentioned in the Qur'an and hadiths, during the time of the Prophet (PBUH), the type of distribution of spoils was affected by the existence of a fight or reconciliation in war. That is, if there was no conflict in a war and they did not ride a horse and did not take any trouble and the matter ended with a compromise, the spoils of that war belonged to the Prophet (PBUH) and he had to decide how to divide it. But if war and physical conflict took place, the spoils of that war should be divided among the participants in that war as stated in the Qur'an. According to historical reports, the spoils of Qurayzah were divided among the participants of that war after counting and separating one-fifth of it. Therefore, the type of booty distribution indicates the occurrence of war and conflict in Bani Qurayzah. Conclusion In the present study, evidence was presented that indicates the existence of war and physical conflict in Qurayzah. As stated, there is no narration that clearly talks about the non-occurrence of war in Bani Qurayzah. Some sources are silent about the events during the siege, while others have mentioned the shooting and war in Qurayzah. There were also reports that directly mentioned the fighting and killing of a person from Bani Qurayzah by Zubair bin Awam and the killing of the elders of Qurayzah by Imam Ali (AS). Poems related to the Qurayzah incident were also mentioned, in which some depicted a bloody battle that led to victory. The difference between the fate of Bani Qurayzah and Bani Nadir in fighting and not fighting was presented in the narration of Abdullah bin Omar and the verses of Hassan bin Thabit as witnesses of the event. The method of dividing the spoils of Qurayzah was also stated as important evidence of the occurrence of war in Qurayzah. The existence of these pieces of evidence that do not contradict each other is a sign of the occurrence of war and physical conflict in Bani Qurayzah. Considering this result, it is necessary to review the other traditions of the Bani Qurayzah incident. غزوۀ بنی‌قریظه از وقایع چالشی در سیرۀ پیامبر(ص) است. مشهور است که بنی‌قریظه در این واقعه محاصره و سپس تسلیم شده است و مردانشان در اسارت کشته شدند. مسئلۀ این پژوهش این است که شواهدی دالّ بر وقوع جنگ و درگیری در قریظه وجود دارد که در گزارش مشهور اشاره نشده است و نشانگر نقص در گزارش مشهور است. در این نوشتار تمام گزارش‌ها و شواهد مذکور گردآوری و در پنج عنوان دسته‌بندی شده است. در ابتدا نشان دادیم هیچ روایتی وجود ندارد که به وقوع‌نیافتن جنگ در بنی‌قریظه تصریح کرده باشد، بلکه برخی از منابع در این باره سکوت کرده و برخی دیگر وقوع تیراندازی در این جنگ را بیان کرده‌‌اند. روایاتی نیز موجودند که از رشادت علی(ع) و زبیر بن ‌عوام در این جنگ سخن می‌گویند که به‌دلیل سکوت منابع مشهور در این زمینه، کنار گذاشته شده‌اند. اشعاری از حسان ‌بن‌ ثابت نیز به‌عنوان یکی از شاهدان جنگ قریظه موجود است که وقوع جنگ خونینی را در قریظه تصویر می‌کند. همچنین تفاوت سرنوشت بنی‌قریظه و بنی‌نضیر در جنگیدن و نجنگیدن در روایت عبدالله‌ بن ‌عمر و ابیات حسان ‌بن‌ ثابت به‌عنوان شاهدان واقعه ارائه شد. دلیل مهم دیگر بر وقوع جنگ در قریظه، روش تقسیم غنایم این جنگ است که پس از تخمیس و جداکردن خمس غنایم، در میان شرکت‌کنندگان جنگ تقسیم شد. این روش تقسیم غنایم، بیانگر وقوع جنگ و درگیری فیزیکی در قریظه است که با غزوۀ بنی‌نضیر و قرارگرفتن غنایم آن در دست پیامبر(ص) به‌دلیل وقوع‌نیافتن جنگ متفاوت است. وجود این شواهد که معارضی ندارند در کنار یکدیگر بر وقوع جنگ و درگیری فیزیکی در بنی‌قریظه دلالت دارد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27189_5cec2463d7b0d11eb7539b4bcf7f981c.pdf