University of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923..2704510.22108/jhr.2022.27045FAJournal Article20221102https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_27045_fcf4e881a4e14ae5d43da076b1d8b265.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923Schools and Newspapers in Zanjan in the Constitutional Era: Challenges and ObstaclesSchools and Newspapers in Zanjan in the Constitutional Era: Challenges and Obstacles1242654910.22108/jhr.2022.132519.2319FAAbbasGhadimi GheydariAssociate Professor, Department History, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, University of Tabriz, Tabriz, IranHasanRostamiPhD Candidate of Iran later Islam, Department History, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, University of Tabriz, Tabriz, IranJournal Article20220201<strong>Abstract</strong>
In the Qajar era, manifestations of the new civilization were first established in the centers of modernity such as Tehran and Tabriz. Despite numerous obstacles, it gradually reached other provinces. From institutions and new manifestations, we can name the school and the newspaper that had a great impact on the social and intellectual transformation of the society. In the city of Zanjan, the manifestations of civilization were created with delay despite the fact that this city is located between the two important centers of Tehran and Tabriz. It was due to the social, political, and cultural creation of Zanjan. However, gradually new institutions impress their influence on Zanjan society among some classes and groups. This issue has not yet been the subject of an independent study and its vacancy is felt in studies on the process of establishing the manifestations of a new civilization in different provinces. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the establishment of schools with newspapers and newspaper reading and those who try this path by explaining the obstacles, difficulties, effects, and results. According to the research claim, due to the relatively free conditions of the Mozaffari era and the cooperation of the executive elements of the government with the reformists, new manifestations were established in Zanjan and were accompanied by some successes. But the competition of the scholars in form of opposing groups that affected different strata created serious obstacles for new institutions and those interested in new manifestations. This study deals with the issue using a descriptive-explanatory method, relying on original sources, newspapers, and archival and family documents.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Introduction </strong>
During the long wars with Tsarist Russia, the need to acquire new knowledge of the west led to the emergence of the idea of reform and the entry of civilized institutions into Iran. The influence of civilization institutions began in the important state of Azerbaijan and reached Tehran during the Nasseri era through a historical process and caused a change in the thinking and discourse of the elites on various issues of the society.
Although the Khamseh area of Zanjan as its center was located in the middle of the cities of modernity, the achievements of European civilization reached this city much later than other places. In the Mozaffari era, it enjoyed some civilized institutions. During this period, with the efforts of government agents and the cooperation of people such as Ali Asghar Mushir al-Mamalek, Sheikh Ibrahim Zanjani, and other interested people, schools and newspapers became popular. In this direction, despite these efforts, there were objections from some classes and social groups and the issue of education and the spread of the newspaper as two important factors in the awakening and awareness of different classes faced serious obstacles. However, the study of these new manifestations and institutions has been carried out in historical investigations and studies of focal cities such as Tehran, Tabriz, and other important places. However, a careful study of the current modernity and the causes and factors of constitutional events in different parts of the country requires a historical study of how smaller cities and areas deal with these new institutions. The main issue of this research is to investigate the establishment of institutions and manifestations of civilization in the Qajar era in Zanjan and also the obstacles and difficulties against them. The two main questions of the research are: in what context and how were the manifestations of civilization institutions established in Zanjan in this era? And what were the results of the challenges and obstacles?
The study has not been independently researched based on documents archival and newly found documents. Following this issue, if we want to mention the research background in this subject, we should mention some books and articles such as "Study of political and social changes in Zanjan from the Constitutional Revolution to the end of the First World War" by Hossein Khamsei which, without referring to archival and family documents and original sources such as newspapers, the author has paid attention to the constitutional events of Zanjan by repeating the contents of public sources. This mere repetition does not offer new content to readers.
The local quarterly magazine has published articles on the constitutional events in Zanjan, including "A Look at the Situation in Zanjan in the Constitutional Revolution" by Ramin Soltani, "A Look at the Life and Political Thought of Mulla Qurban Ali" by Yousef Khanmohammadi, "Parts of the Constitutional Revolution and Adventures from Zanjan that day" by Zabihullah Shahmohammadi, "An investigation into the events in Zanjan in the constitutional movement" by Tavakol Jafari, and "Mirza Abdullah Mojahed and the story of the Zanjan Constitutional Revolution" by Bahman Khatibi which have been published in issues 5, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, and 43 of the mentioned quarterly, respectively. "An Overview on the History of the First Public High School for Boys in Zanjan (Pahlavi High School)" was also published by Farajullah Davoodi and Abdulaziz Ghaemi. While briefly referring to schools such as Kamalieh and Homayouni in the Qajar era, they have discussed the establishment of the first public high school in Zanjan during the first Pahlavi period. Therefore, the subject of these articles is mainly political events and sometimes a brief reference to manifestations of the new civilization based on public content, and often doesn’t contain new findings and points. This study for the first time has investigated the issue by examining the original sources, newspapers of the Qajar era, and new archival and family documents.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Materials and Methods </strong>
In this study, by examining the original sources such as books and manuscripts, newspapers of the Qajar era, and new archival and family documents of this period, the authors try to study the issue of the establishment of schools and newspapers in Zanjan using a descriptive-explanatory method.
<strong>Discussion </strong><strong>of Results and Conclusions</strong>
The scholars, the most important group in the Zanjan society of the Qajar era, became a serious obstacle against the arrival of the manifestations of the new era with the advent of some prominent elements. Although in the period of Naseraddin Shah Qajar, some manifestations of the new era were opposed to Zanjan, conditions were provided for implementing new ideas in the period of Mozaffari, due to the relative freedom of the society and the interaction of rulers such as Vazirhomayoun with cultural enthusiasts. Prior to Vazirhomayoun’s arrival in Zanjan, the city activists in the field of culture were trying to establish new institutions such as the school. For this purpose, the Kamalieh School was established.
In order to further realize and continue this idea, Vazirhomayoun took an important step in creating a strong base for the implementation of his policies by using the competition of influential scholars and being close to a rival faction (Mirza Abolmakarem Mousavi). The continuous cooperation of various groups and activists in the field of culture with the era newspaper, the effort to revive the new educational system and the learning of students, and the use of newspapers as a powerful information tool to explain Zanjan constitutional events to power centers soon led to success in academic exams. Zanjani’s interest and awareness were in taking advantage of the manifestations and new civilization institutions. These short-term results reached full stability and longevity when influential elements and political groups in Zanjan society abandoned the fragmentation, insights, and conflicting activities in the context of constitutionalism.
What is clear is that the great scholars who opposed the constitution such as Mullah Qurbanali did not oppose the school and the newspaper. But due to austerity and being confined at home, they were far from the developments of the new era and unaware of the evolving society of the late Qajar era. However, the desire of the trans-regional activists and forces was to focus on the fundamental changes in Zanjan by establishing schools and newspapers. But group and political considerations have damaged the results of these efforts. In the years after the constitutions, Seyyed Mohammad Mousavi, a pro-constitutional cleric, after reaching the religious leadership of the city, ignored the demands of the lower class and complained to the press and Mirza Aliasghar Mushir al-Mamalek during the constitutional years. He selected a party in response to the events in Zanjan. It should be noted that Mirza Mahmoud, one of the distinguished students of Zanjan schools, in spite of learning religious sciences in the guise of a clergyman as a source of imitation in the Pahlavi period, paid attention to religious sciences. Thus, although the efforts of the custodians of the institutions of civilization were successful in the short term, the long-term results showed the failure of these reforms in Zanjan. This failure showed that despite the efforts of cultural activists and reformist agents, the traditional insight among the various classes and groups in Zanjan has been a great and serious obstacle to the institutions of the new age.<strong>Abstract</strong>
In the Qajar era, manifestations of the new civilization were first established in the centers of modernity such as Tehran and Tabriz. Despite numerous obstacles, it gradually reached other provinces. From institutions and new manifestations, we can name the school and the newspaper that had a great impact on the social and intellectual transformation of the society. In the city of Zanjan, the manifestations of civilization were created with delay despite the fact that this city is located between the two important centers of Tehran and Tabriz. It was due to the social, political, and cultural creation of Zanjan. However, gradually new institutions impress their influence on Zanjan society among some classes and groups. This issue has not yet been the subject of an independent study and its vacancy is felt in studies on the process of establishing the manifestations of a new civilization in different provinces. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the establishment of schools with newspapers and newspaper reading and those who try this path by explaining the obstacles, difficulties, effects, and results. According to the research claim, due to the relatively free conditions of the Mozaffari era and the cooperation of the executive elements of the government with the reformists, new manifestations were established in Zanjan and were accompanied by some successes. But the competition of the scholars in form of opposing groups that affected different strata created serious obstacles for new institutions and those interested in new manifestations. This study deals with the issue using a descriptive-explanatory method, relying on original sources, newspapers, and archival and family documents.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Introduction </strong>
During the long wars with Tsarist Russia, the need to acquire new knowledge of the west led to the emergence of the idea of reform and the entry of civilized institutions into Iran. The influence of civilization institutions began in the important state of Azerbaijan and reached Tehran during the Nasseri era through a historical process and caused a change in the thinking and discourse of the elites on various issues of the society.
Although the Khamseh area of Zanjan as its center was located in the middle of the cities of modernity, the achievements of European civilization reached this city much later than other places. In the Mozaffari era, it enjoyed some civilized institutions. During this period, with the efforts of government agents and the cooperation of people such as Ali Asghar Mushir al-Mamalek, Sheikh Ibrahim Zanjani, and other interested people, schools and newspapers became popular. In this direction, despite these efforts, there were objections from some classes and social groups and the issue of education and the spread of the newspaper as two important factors in the awakening and awareness of different classes faced serious obstacles. However, the study of these new manifestations and institutions has been carried out in historical investigations and studies of focal cities such as Tehran, Tabriz, and other important places. However, a careful study of the current modernity and the causes and factors of constitutional events in different parts of the country requires a historical study of how smaller cities and areas deal with these new institutions. The main issue of this research is to investigate the establishment of institutions and manifestations of civilization in the Qajar era in Zanjan and also the obstacles and difficulties against them. The two main questions of the research are: in what context and how were the manifestations of civilization institutions established in Zanjan in this era? And what were the results of the challenges and obstacles?
The study has not been independently researched based on documents archival and newly found documents. Following this issue, if we want to mention the research background in this subject, we should mention some books and articles such as "Study of political and social changes in Zanjan from the Constitutional Revolution to the end of the First World War" by Hossein Khamsei which, without referring to archival and family documents and original sources such as newspapers, the author has paid attention to the constitutional events of Zanjan by repeating the contents of public sources. This mere repetition does not offer new content to readers.
The local quarterly magazine has published articles on the constitutional events in Zanjan, including "A Look at the Situation in Zanjan in the Constitutional Revolution" by Ramin Soltani, "A Look at the Life and Political Thought of Mulla Qurban Ali" by Yousef Khanmohammadi, "Parts of the Constitutional Revolution and Adventures from Zanjan that day" by Zabihullah Shahmohammadi, "An investigation into the events in Zanjan in the constitutional movement" by Tavakol Jafari, and "Mirza Abdullah Mojahed and the story of the Zanjan Constitutional Revolution" by Bahman Khatibi which have been published in issues 5, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, and 43 of the mentioned quarterly, respectively. "An Overview on the History of the First Public High School for Boys in Zanjan (Pahlavi High School)" was also published by Farajullah Davoodi and Abdulaziz Ghaemi. While briefly referring to schools such as Kamalieh and Homayouni in the Qajar era, they have discussed the establishment of the first public high school in Zanjan during the first Pahlavi period. Therefore, the subject of these articles is mainly political events and sometimes a brief reference to manifestations of the new civilization based on public content, and often doesn’t contain new findings and points. This study for the first time has investigated the issue by examining the original sources, newspapers of the Qajar era, and new archival and family documents.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Materials and Methods </strong>
In this study, by examining the original sources such as books and manuscripts, newspapers of the Qajar era, and new archival and family documents of this period, the authors try to study the issue of the establishment of schools and newspapers in Zanjan using a descriptive-explanatory method.
<strong>Discussion </strong><strong>of Results and Conclusions</strong>
The scholars, the most important group in the Zanjan society of the Qajar era, became a serious obstacle against the arrival of the manifestations of the new era with the advent of some prominent elements. Although in the period of Naseraddin Shah Qajar, some manifestations of the new era were opposed to Zanjan, conditions were provided for implementing new ideas in the period of Mozaffari, due to the relative freedom of the society and the interaction of rulers such as Vazirhomayoun with cultural enthusiasts. Prior to Vazirhomayoun’s arrival in Zanjan, the city activists in the field of culture were trying to establish new institutions such as the school. For this purpose, the Kamalieh School was established.
In order to further realize and continue this idea, Vazirhomayoun took an important step in creating a strong base for the implementation of his policies by using the competition of influential scholars and being close to a rival faction (Mirza Abolmakarem Mousavi). The continuous cooperation of various groups and activists in the field of culture with the era newspaper, the effort to revive the new educational system and the learning of students, and the use of newspapers as a powerful information tool to explain Zanjan constitutional events to power centers soon led to success in academic exams. Zanjani’s interest and awareness were in taking advantage of the manifestations and new civilization institutions. These short-term results reached full stability and longevity when influential elements and political groups in Zanjan society abandoned the fragmentation, insights, and conflicting activities in the context of constitutionalism.
What is clear is that the great scholars who opposed the constitution such as Mullah Qurbanali did not oppose the school and the newspaper. But due to austerity and being confined at home, they were far from the developments of the new era and unaware of the evolving society of the late Qajar era. However, the desire of the trans-regional activists and forces was to focus on the fundamental changes in Zanjan by establishing schools and newspapers. But group and political considerations have damaged the results of these efforts. In the years after the constitutions, Seyyed Mohammad Mousavi, a pro-constitutional cleric, after reaching the religious leadership of the city, ignored the demands of the lower class and complained to the press and Mirza Aliasghar Mushir al-Mamalek during the constitutional years. He selected a party in response to the events in Zanjan. It should be noted that Mirza Mahmoud, one of the distinguished students of Zanjan schools, in spite of learning religious sciences in the guise of a clergyman as a source of imitation in the Pahlavi period, paid attention to religious sciences. Thus, although the efforts of the custodians of the institutions of civilization were successful in the short term, the long-term results showed the failure of these reforms in Zanjan. This failure showed that despite the efforts of cultural activists and reformist agents, the traditional insight among the various classes and groups in Zanjan has been a great and serious obstacle to the institutions of the new age.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26549_5c27072a2cf761f7614cb59fdf7887ad.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923Social Acceptance of the Fatimid Caliphs in the Light of Social Vitality of Popular RitualsSocial Acceptance of the Fatimid Caliphs in the Light of Social Vitality of Popular Rituals25402693210.22108/jhr.2022.132057.2303FAMohammad RezaBaraniAssistant Professor and faculty member of Department of History, Faculty of Literature, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran.NargesMalekPh.D. in Islamic History, of Al-Zahra University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20220108<strong>Abstract</strong>
After the transfer of power to Cairo and selection of Cairo as the capital of Islam, the Fatimids needed to strengthen the legitimacy and acceptability of their caliphate against the Abbasid caliphate and in the Sunni community of Egypt in order to continue their political and social life.
With its analytical approach and the method of collecting library data, this article examined the function of social vitality of popular rituals in Fatimid Egypt. Examining the functions of social vitality in empowering the Fatimid government and showing the glory of the caliphate and legitimacy of the government to face the Abbasid caliphate are very important. Studies have shown that the cultural function of social vitality of folk mirrors in the fields of symbolic function, education, and tolerance, its social function in the fields of social supervision, submission to the caliphs and honoring the Fatimid caliphs, and social cohesion have been very helpful and brought legitimacy to the Fatimid caliphate.
<strong>Introduction:</strong>
One of the most important demands of governments is to achieve social acceptance. After the transfer of the caliphate to Egypt, the Fatimids sought to strengthen the acceptance of the caliphate among the Egyptian people. One of their strategies for social acceptability, especially among the common people, was to create social vitality in the society. Happiness has a very effective role in ensuring the health of the individual and society and is associated with hope, self-confidence, and life satisfaction. A vibrant society is a dynamic one, which leads to creativity and innovation. This is one of the topics that if addressed properly, will open the mind, create mobility and individual and social peace, facilitate the process of growth and development of the society, and accelerate satisfaction with the government.
<strong>Materials and Methods:</strong>
This research was based on a descriptive-analytical method with a historical approach to the function of social vitality of Egyptian popular rituals in the social acceptance of the Fatimid caliphs.
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions:</strong>
The Fatimid caliphs paid special attention to the social vitality of Egyptian people by holding popular mirrors, and apart from philosophical and theological principles and ways of teaching esoteric thought, they were able to cultivate their glory and power in the people. Creating social vitality through celebrations and joy showed the authority and charismatic power of the Fatimid Caliphate. With their social cooperation and solidarity and peaceful coexistence, they could play a big role in gaining acceptance, increasing their followers, combating the unworthy phenomena of the society like poverty and famine, and giving people hope for the future.
The Fatimid caliphs were able to strengthen their social acceptance and religious legitimacy by attributing it to Hazrat Zahra (PBUH) and the prophet’s household with the help of Ismaili thinkers. They provided comfort, self-esteem, and respect for the rights of the minorities and strengthened acceptance among their people in order to increase their social power and meanwhile strengthen the power of their caliphate against the Abbasid caliphate.
In the field of cultural function, the Fatimids raised the religious status and glory of the caliphate with symbolic functions. In addition, they expanded and deepened Shiite beliefs and attracted elites with their educational function so as to raise and establish an institutionalized social acceptance for the Fatimid caliphs in the society.<strong>Abstract</strong>
After the transfer of power to Cairo and selection of Cairo as the capital of Islam, the Fatimids needed to strengthen the legitimacy and acceptability of their caliphate against the Abbasid caliphate and in the Sunni community of Egypt in order to continue their political and social life.
With its analytical approach and the method of collecting library data, this article examined the function of social vitality of popular rituals in Fatimid Egypt. Examining the functions of social vitality in empowering the Fatimid government and showing the glory of the caliphate and legitimacy of the government to face the Abbasid caliphate are very important. Studies have shown that the cultural function of social vitality of folk mirrors in the fields of symbolic function, education, and tolerance, its social function in the fields of social supervision, submission to the caliphs and honoring the Fatimid caliphs, and social cohesion have been very helpful and brought legitimacy to the Fatimid caliphate.
<strong>Introduction:</strong>
One of the most important demands of governments is to achieve social acceptance. After the transfer of the caliphate to Egypt, the Fatimids sought to strengthen the acceptance of the caliphate among the Egyptian people. One of their strategies for social acceptability, especially among the common people, was to create social vitality in the society. Happiness has a very effective role in ensuring the health of the individual and society and is associated with hope, self-confidence, and life satisfaction. A vibrant society is a dynamic one, which leads to creativity and innovation. This is one of the topics that if addressed properly, will open the mind, create mobility and individual and social peace, facilitate the process of growth and development of the society, and accelerate satisfaction with the government.
<strong>Materials and Methods:</strong>
This research was based on a descriptive-analytical method with a historical approach to the function of social vitality of Egyptian popular rituals in the social acceptance of the Fatimid caliphs.
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions:</strong>
The Fatimid caliphs paid special attention to the social vitality of Egyptian people by holding popular mirrors, and apart from philosophical and theological principles and ways of teaching esoteric thought, they were able to cultivate their glory and power in the people. Creating social vitality through celebrations and joy showed the authority and charismatic power of the Fatimid Caliphate. With their social cooperation and solidarity and peaceful coexistence, they could play a big role in gaining acceptance, increasing their followers, combating the unworthy phenomena of the society like poverty and famine, and giving people hope for the future.
The Fatimid caliphs were able to strengthen their social acceptance and religious legitimacy by attributing it to Hazrat Zahra (PBUH) and the prophet’s household with the help of Ismaili thinkers. They provided comfort, self-esteem, and respect for the rights of the minorities and strengthened acceptance among their people in order to increase their social power and meanwhile strengthen the power of their caliphate against the Abbasid caliphate.
In the field of cultural function, the Fatimids raised the religious status and glory of the caliphate with symbolic functions. In addition, they expanded and deepened Shiite beliefs and attracted elites with their educational function so as to raise and establish an institutionalized social acceptance for the Fatimid caliphs in the society.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26932_697e7f5af20c5f119c67209f7f389315.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923Mythological and Psychological Analyses of Local Historiographical Texts of Isfahan, Khorasan, and the Caspian Coastal States up to the 9th Century AHMythological and Psychological Analyses of Local Historiographical Texts of Isfahan, Khorasan, and the Caspian Coastal States up to the 9th Century AH41562668410.22108/jhr.2022.132255.2311FAAmirAghayliPhD Graduate in Local History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, IranJournal Article20220117<strong>Abstract</strong>
One of the themes in almost all texts of traditional local histories is mythical narratives. In this research, an attempt is made to achieve deeper meanings and notions behind the appearances of these myths by applying mythological and psychological concepts and categories. Concepts and categories such as the collective unconscious, the archetype, the center, the celestial models, the myth of the origin, etc., unveil layers of meaning. Chains and networks of meaning often aim at strengthening the patience and endurance of the trembling flame of human existence in the face of death and inexistence. At the same time, myths also play a role in providing role models and patterns.
These myths can also be analyzed from an individual perspective, as opposed to the collective approach mentioned in the above statements, and based on a psychoanalytic approach. From this perspective, the content of many of these propositions can be classified into two categories: ‘sanctity’ and ‘individuality’. According to Transactional Analysis Theory and Games Theory, the unconscious intention behind such myths and themes is to create calm and relief, through the ‘I’m better than you’ game.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
In the study of local historiography, to the extent that it has been searched, no independent research has been done on the content analysis of the mythological materials of a locality. Myths make up a significant portion of the contents of local history books. Such materials can be analyzed in light of the concepts and categories of mythological knowledge. One of the pivotal terms in the analysis of myths is the archetype. On the other hand, the science of psychology has not been indifferent to myths. Examining books of local history, it became clear that many narrations can somehow conform to the ruling archetype. It is an archetype that, by combining with other archetypes, becomes the inductor of an example of worthy and deserving kings and princes.
Another part of this study focuses on showing a celestial model of fences, gates, and cities. In the mythological dualistic ontology, every earthly phenomenon has a supreme and celestial pattern, and whatever does not conform to its pattern and parable is superfluous, imperfect, and doomed. Myths can also be analyzed from an individual perspective. If these narrations and myths are dealt with from this angle, two prominent themes can be abstracted and extracted: the theme of individuality (index and uniqueness) and the sanctity of the city or region and its people.
<strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
The present study focuses on local histories using mythological and psychological theoretical concepts and an analytical approach.
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong>
One of the forms of archetypes is the archetype of the wise and just ruler. In local myths, too, this archetype appears in various forms, sometimes like Alexander, at times like his mother, and occasionally like Kasra Anoushirvan. On the other hand, the duality of the mythical worldview is also reflected in the myths of local history. The mythical fence of Isfahan and its gates are drawn corresponding to the sacred celestial bodies, and the tomb of the sons of the Messenger of God in Herat is also reflected on the throne of the heavens. On the other hand, the "center" is also manifested in such myths. The first fortress of the world, built by Manouchehr, is interpreted as the mountain, and as a sacred center, it becomes the point of contact between earth and sky. In this way, both the great beginning of eternity and the beginning of the world are drawn along with the beginning of the city and the province.
The evasion of death and the attainment of immortality also appear in these myths in a bold and dynamic way. With the eschatology hidden in the myths, Manouchehr represents the city and his country as safe and secure and forces the aggressors and oppressors to the abyss of destruction and annihilation
The contents written about the merits and virtues of a region can be included in the form of two categories of sanctity and individuality. Myths, by mentioning the unique and extraordinary historical, natural, and geographical phenomena of a particular region, lead to mystery, individuality, and unity. On the other hand, by attributing holiness and divine blessings to the city or region through the burial and prayers of religious leaders, the region is ‘sanctified’. The two elements of sanctity and individuality, along with their overt and covert comparisons with other regions and peoples, give the idea of the superiority of the city and its inhabitants, and in the form of the game "I am better than you", subconsciously transmit psychic enjoyment and interest.<strong>Abstract</strong>
One of the themes in almost all texts of traditional local histories is mythical narratives. In this research, an attempt is made to achieve deeper meanings and notions behind the appearances of these myths by applying mythological and psychological concepts and categories. Concepts and categories such as the collective unconscious, the archetype, the center, the celestial models, the myth of the origin, etc., unveil layers of meaning. Chains and networks of meaning often aim at strengthening the patience and endurance of the trembling flame of human existence in the face of death and inexistence. At the same time, myths also play a role in providing role models and patterns.
These myths can also be analyzed from an individual perspective, as opposed to the collective approach mentioned in the above statements, and based on a psychoanalytic approach. From this perspective, the content of many of these propositions can be classified into two categories: ‘sanctity’ and ‘individuality’. According to Transactional Analysis Theory and Games Theory, the unconscious intention behind such myths and themes is to create calm and relief, through the ‘I’m better than you’ game.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
In the study of local historiography, to the extent that it has been searched, no independent research has been done on the content analysis of the mythological materials of a locality. Myths make up a significant portion of the contents of local history books. Such materials can be analyzed in light of the concepts and categories of mythological knowledge. One of the pivotal terms in the analysis of myths is the archetype. On the other hand, the science of psychology has not been indifferent to myths. Examining books of local history, it became clear that many narrations can somehow conform to the ruling archetype. It is an archetype that, by combining with other archetypes, becomes the inductor of an example of worthy and deserving kings and princes.
Another part of this study focuses on showing a celestial model of fences, gates, and cities. In the mythological dualistic ontology, every earthly phenomenon has a supreme and celestial pattern, and whatever does not conform to its pattern and parable is superfluous, imperfect, and doomed. Myths can also be analyzed from an individual perspective. If these narrations and myths are dealt with from this angle, two prominent themes can be abstracted and extracted: the theme of individuality (index and uniqueness) and the sanctity of the city or region and its people.
<strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
The present study focuses on local histories using mythological and psychological theoretical concepts and an analytical approach.
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong>
One of the forms of archetypes is the archetype of the wise and just ruler. In local myths, too, this archetype appears in various forms, sometimes like Alexander, at times like his mother, and occasionally like Kasra Anoushirvan. On the other hand, the duality of the mythical worldview is also reflected in the myths of local history. The mythical fence of Isfahan and its gates are drawn corresponding to the sacred celestial bodies, and the tomb of the sons of the Messenger of God in Herat is also reflected on the throne of the heavens. On the other hand, the "center" is also manifested in such myths. The first fortress of the world, built by Manouchehr, is interpreted as the mountain, and as a sacred center, it becomes the point of contact between earth and sky. In this way, both the great beginning of eternity and the beginning of the world are drawn along with the beginning of the city and the province.
The evasion of death and the attainment of immortality also appear in these myths in a bold and dynamic way. With the eschatology hidden in the myths, Manouchehr represents the city and his country as safe and secure and forces the aggressors and oppressors to the abyss of destruction and annihilation
The contents written about the merits and virtues of a region can be included in the form of two categories of sanctity and individuality. Myths, by mentioning the unique and extraordinary historical, natural, and geographical phenomena of a particular region, lead to mystery, individuality, and unity. On the other hand, by attributing holiness and divine blessings to the city or region through the burial and prayers of religious leaders, the region is ‘sanctified’. The two elements of sanctity and individuality, along with their overt and covert comparisons with other regions and peoples, give the idea of the superiority of the city and its inhabitants, and in the form of the game "I am better than you", subconsciously transmit psychic enjoyment and interest.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26684_1f828a1e1154d075b2bbd4519341318e.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923The role of Procopius's secret letter in the defeat of Shahpour II's campaign against Syria in 953 ADThe role of Procopius's secret letter in the defeat of Shahpour II's campaign against Syria in 953 AD57742654810.22108/jhr.2022.132428.2317FAAhmadAlhawwatPh.D. Candidate of Ancient History of Iran, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.Mohammad - TaghiImanpourProfessor of Ancient History of Iran, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.PedramJamAssistant Professor of Ancient Iranian Culture and Language, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranJournal Article20220123<strong>Abstract:</strong><br />As Shahpour II (379-309 AD) came to power, the Roman-Sasanian conflicts entered a new phase. The policy of Shahpour II during this period was to gain access to the rich cities of Syria. To achieve his goal, he tried to enter Syria three times after capturing the city of Nisibis in the north of Mesopotamia in the 340s AD, but he failed and retreated each time. In 359 AD, at the suggestion of Antonius, he decided to advance directly towards Syria by crossing the Euphrates River, but he failed again.The purpose of this study is to answer the basic question of why Shahpour II was defeated in the war in 359 AD despite choosing a new war tactic, namely direct attack on Syria. It seems that the secret letter of Procopius, who secretly informed the Roman generals about Shahpour's war plan, played a key role in this failure.Following the Romans' knowledge of Shahpour's decision to invade Syria, various measures were taken to counter Shahpour’s corps. With this strategy, they succeeded in preventing the advance of his troops into Syria. Therefore, based on the written sources of ancient Romans, archaeological evidence, and evaluation of the geographical location of the region, the role of Procopius in this defeat was investigated with a historical approach and a descriptive-analytical method in this study.<strong>Introduction:</strong>With the continuation of the Sassanian and Roman conflicts and Shahpour II coming to power (379-309 AD) in the 4<sup>th</sup> century AD, these conflicts entered a new phase. The Sasanians’ policy in this period, in particular during the reign of Shahpour II, was to gain access to the rich cities of Syria. Thus, when Shupour II consolidated his power, the Sasanian and Roman conflicts speeded up. In the first step, Shahpour II tried to gain access to Syria during the reign of Constantinus II. To achieve this goal, he first had to capture the city of Nisibis, which strategically played a key role in the advance of Sassanians into Upper Mesopotamia and their access to the important cities of Syria. Accordingly, Shapour II tried three times in the 340s AD to enter Syria by capturing the city of Nisibis and crossing the upper Euphrates River, but the damage inflicted in his forces during the siege of Nisibis each time, prevented the Sassanian army from advancing towards Syria, and resulting retreatment of his forces.Shahpour II, who was still seeking to dominate the eastern Mediterranean regions, again prepared his army for a campaign in Syria in the spring of 359 AD. As he had a failed experience of conquering Nisibis and Roman fortresses in the north of Mesopotamia in the past, he decided to adopt a new and unexpected strategy to conquer Syria this time at the suggestion of Antonius, a Roman general, who had taken refuge in Shahpour's court and was aware of the Roman defense plan. Instead of heading north across Mesopotamia and continuing the long and unsuccessful siege of the cities of Nisibis and Amada, he decided to move directly towards Syria, this time bypassing the Roman forts in Mesopotamia and crossing the bridges on the Euphrates River. However, Procopius, who had previously been sent to his court as a Roman ambassador for reconciliation, sent a secret letter to Roman Generals in the field and informed them of Shahpour II new plan. As soon as the Romans were informed of this new plan, they tried to use new military tactics to neutralize his plan and prevent him from capturing Syria by crossing the bridges over the Euphrates River. Thus, his operation to enter Syria failed and he was forced to retreat again in 359 AD.Although a lot of researches, such as <em>The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire with Special Reference to the Reign of Constantius II</em> by Lightfoot (1981) and <em>Perceptions of Eastern Frontier Policy in Ammianus, Libanius, and Julian (337–363)</em>” by Seager (2007), have been done and even Procopius’ secret letter has been examined and analyzed by some scholars like Blockley so far, no independent study has been conducted on the importance and role of Procopius’s secret letter, which helped the Romans know the main objectives of Shahpour II in the war of 359 AD and accordingly use appropriate tactics against him to ultimately defeat of him in this campaign. <strong> </strong><strong>Materials and Methods</strong>In this research, based on the written sources of ancient Romans, archaeological evidence, and evaluation of the geographical location of the region and with a historical approach and descriptive-analytical method, it was tried to investigate the reasons for Shahpour’s failure of the invasion of Syria in 359 AD and the role of Procopius's secret letter in his defeat in this operation.<strong> </strong><strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusion</strong>The purpose of this study was to answer the fundamental question of why Shahpour II failed to enter Syria and his troops went towards the northern cities of Mesopotamia to surround Amada City but were eventually forced to retreat and were thus defeated despite adopting a new tactic of war in 359 AD, namely a direct attack on Syria by crossing the bridges on the Euphrates River. It seems that the secret letter of Procopius, who was able to secretly inform the Romans about Shahpour's war plan of adopting new tactics for a direct attack on Syria, played a key role in this defeat. After learning the battle plan of Shahpour II, the Romans took various measures to counter his corps. Also, among other things, they used the scorched-earth policy by destroying the fields and water wells, strengthen the defenses of the coast of the Euphrates River, destroying or protecting its bridges to prevent his corps to cross the river, and avoiding direct confrontation with his troops. They also maintained their military power by stationing their troops in fortifications of the cities and strong Roman forts in Mesopotamia. With this strategy, they succeeded in preventing the advance of Shahpour's troops into Syria.<strong>Abstract:</strong><br />As Shahpour II (379-309 AD) came to power, the Roman-Sasanian conflicts entered a new phase. The policy of Shahpour II during this period was to gain access to the rich cities of Syria. To achieve his goal, he tried to enter Syria three times after capturing the city of Nisibis in the north of Mesopotamia in the 340s AD, but he failed and retreated each time. In 359 AD, at the suggestion of Antonius, he decided to advance directly towards Syria by crossing the Euphrates River, but he failed again.The purpose of this study is to answer the basic question of why Shahpour II was defeated in the war in 359 AD despite choosing a new war tactic, namely direct attack on Syria. It seems that the secret letter of Procopius, who secretly informed the Roman generals about Shahpour's war plan, played a key role in this failure.Following the Romans' knowledge of Shahpour's decision to invade Syria, various measures were taken to counter Shahpour’s corps. With this strategy, they succeeded in preventing the advance of his troops into Syria. Therefore, based on the written sources of ancient Romans, archaeological evidence, and evaluation of the geographical location of the region, the role of Procopius in this defeat was investigated with a historical approach and a descriptive-analytical method in this study.<strong>Introduction:</strong>With the continuation of the Sassanian and Roman conflicts and Shahpour II coming to power (379-309 AD) in the 4<sup>th</sup> century AD, these conflicts entered a new phase. The Sasanians’ policy in this period, in particular during the reign of Shahpour II, was to gain access to the rich cities of Syria. Thus, when Shupour II consolidated his power, the Sasanian and Roman conflicts speeded up. In the first step, Shahpour II tried to gain access to Syria during the reign of Constantinus II. To achieve this goal, he first had to capture the city of Nisibis, which strategically played a key role in the advance of Sassanians into Upper Mesopotamia and their access to the important cities of Syria. Accordingly, Shapour II tried three times in the 340s AD to enter Syria by capturing the city of Nisibis and crossing the upper Euphrates River, but the damage inflicted in his forces during the siege of Nisibis each time, prevented the Sassanian army from advancing towards Syria, and resulting retreatment of his forces.Shahpour II, who was still seeking to dominate the eastern Mediterranean regions, again prepared his army for a campaign in Syria in the spring of 359 AD. As he had a failed experience of conquering Nisibis and Roman fortresses in the north of Mesopotamia in the past, he decided to adopt a new and unexpected strategy to conquer Syria this time at the suggestion of Antonius, a Roman general, who had taken refuge in Shahpour's court and was aware of the Roman defense plan. Instead of heading north across Mesopotamia and continuing the long and unsuccessful siege of the cities of Nisibis and Amada, he decided to move directly towards Syria, this time bypassing the Roman forts in Mesopotamia and crossing the bridges on the Euphrates River. However, Procopius, who had previously been sent to his court as a Roman ambassador for reconciliation, sent a secret letter to Roman Generals in the field and informed them of Shahpour II new plan. As soon as the Romans were informed of this new plan, they tried to use new military tactics to neutralize his plan and prevent him from capturing Syria by crossing the bridges over the Euphrates River. Thus, his operation to enter Syria failed and he was forced to retreat again in 359 AD.Although a lot of researches, such as <em>The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire with Special Reference to the Reign of Constantius II</em> by Lightfoot (1981) and <em>Perceptions of Eastern Frontier Policy in Ammianus, Libanius, and Julian (337–363)</em>” by Seager (2007), have been done and even Procopius’ secret letter has been examined and analyzed by some scholars like Blockley so far, no independent study has been conducted on the importance and role of Procopius’s secret letter, which helped the Romans know the main objectives of Shahpour II in the war of 359 AD and accordingly use appropriate tactics against him to ultimately defeat of him in this campaign. <strong> </strong><strong>Materials and Methods</strong>In this research, based on the written sources of ancient Romans, archaeological evidence, and evaluation of the geographical location of the region and with a historical approach and descriptive-analytical method, it was tried to investigate the reasons for Shahpour’s failure of the invasion of Syria in 359 AD and the role of Procopius's secret letter in his defeat in this operation.<strong> </strong><strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusion</strong>The purpose of this study was to answer the fundamental question of why Shahpour II failed to enter Syria and his troops went towards the northern cities of Mesopotamia to surround Amada City but were eventually forced to retreat and were thus defeated despite adopting a new tactic of war in 359 AD, namely a direct attack on Syria by crossing the bridges on the Euphrates River. It seems that the secret letter of Procopius, who was able to secretly inform the Romans about Shahpour's war plan of adopting new tactics for a direct attack on Syria, played a key role in this defeat. After learning the battle plan of Shahpour II, the Romans took various measures to counter his corps. Also, among other things, they used the scorched-earth policy by destroying the fields and water wells, strengthen the defenses of the coast of the Euphrates River, destroying or protecting its bridges to prevent his corps to cross the river, and avoiding direct confrontation with his troops. They also maintained their military power by stationing their troops in fortifications of the cities and strong Roman forts in Mesopotamia. With this strategy, they succeeded in preventing the advance of Shahpour's troops into Syria.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26548_3dd8cfa8505e9f94ad544c509925f351.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923The Transformation of the Political Discourse of the Fourth National Front from Constitutionalism to RepublicanismThe Transformation of the Political Discourse of the Fourth National Front from Constitutionalism to Republicanism75922662810.22108/jhr.2022.132375.2316FAMohammadhoseinAyoubianPhD Candidate of History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, IranHojjatFallah TootkarAssociate Professor of History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, IranAbdorrafiRahimiAssociate Professor of History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, IranJournal Article20220130<strong>Abstract </strong>
Although after the uprising of June 6<sup>th</sup>, 1963 republican tendencies, influenced by the first National Front of Iran under the leadership of Dr. Hossein Fatemi, were seen among some members of the National Front of Iran, such as Abolhassan Bani Sadr and Dariush Forouhar, the dominant discourse of the Fourth National Front from its establishment in 1977 until the last few months of the Pahlavi regime was ‘constitutionalism and support for the constitution’. In the last months leading up to the 1979 revolution, this discourse moved toward republicanism and overthrow. To understand this process, we directly interpreted the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the National Front organization using the textual discourse analysis method. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored. Based on the results, this change in the discourse of the National Front took place gradually, and the National Front of Iran evolved from an intra-governmental opposition to a group opposed to the establishment of the regime, with a three-point declaration in Paris in November 1978. However, some contradictions can be seen in the discourse of the National Front during this period, which is mostly due to political and partisan interests.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
The Fourth National Front was one of the groups present during the Islamic Revolution that, like its predecessors (i.e. the First to Third National Fronts) and unlike some other extremist currents, did not have a revolutionary attitude and method, and all of its struggles were committed within the framework of the constitution of the time until a few months before the Islamic Revolution.
Over time, however, its discourse and commitment to the constitutional monarchy changed. This change in discourse is considered the result of the signed three-point statement by the leader of the National Front, Karim Sanjabi, and Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the staunch opponents of the regime, after their meeting in Paris on November 5, 1978.
The question, however, is whether this shift in the National Front discourse from constitutionalism to overthrow and the tendency towards republicanism was formed as quickly as the leader’s statement in Paris. Did all the real and legal (juridical) agents and members of the National Front at the time abandon constitutionalism and become republicans? The present study hypothesizes that this change took shape slowly over the course of a few months and manifested itself in the Paris Declaration.
The most important studies close to the subject of this study are two separate articles by Dr. Alireza Mollai Tavani and Ms. Farideh Bavarian, which have studied the relationship between the National Front and the revolutionary religious movement in two separate periods, from its establishment up to the Paris Declaration and then to the Islamic Revolution. Their titles are respectively: "A Study of the National Front's association with the Islamic Revolution from open political space to meeting with Imam Khomeini" and "An Analysis of Political Behavior of the 4th National Front in Developments Resulting in the Victory of Islamic Revolution (November to February 1978)".
However, the purpose of the authors of the current study is to examine this discourse change and the circumstances around its occurrence differently by using the study of the discourse of the group leaders, official statements, and announcements of the Front and of course their official organization (the National Front newsletter), from the manifestation of its three main leaders (Karim Sanjabi, Shapur Bakhtiar, and Dariush Forouhar) on June 12, 1977, until the fall of the monarchy and the victory of the Islamic Revolution on February 11, 1979.
<strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
The method of this research is the direct interpretation of the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the organization of the National Front by the method of textual discourse analysis. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong>
Based on the study of how the position of the Fourth National Front changed, we conclude that the transformation of the discourse of the Fourth National Front from ‘constitution and constitutionalism’ to ‘overthrow and republicanism’ was a gradual change. This gradual change can be seen in all three parts of the study (the statements of the National Front, the speeches of the leaders of the National Front, and the publication of the newsletter of the National Front).
The constant policy of the nationalist current in Iran was to defend the full implementation of the constitution and constitutionalism, but in a situation where the legitimacy of this constitution in the public sphere was decreasing day by day, the National Front also decided to coordinate itself with the events of the time. This was in order to keep up with the developments and provide a foothold in the post-revolution era.
However, it was not easy to predict the course of events. Considering that their positions had changed since November 1978, being cautious and the use of ambiguous and multi-interpretable words in their discourse are abundant.<strong>Abstract </strong>
Although after the uprising of June 6<sup>th</sup>, 1963 republican tendencies, influenced by the first National Front of Iran under the leadership of Dr. Hossein Fatemi, were seen among some members of the National Front of Iran, such as Abolhassan Bani Sadr and Dariush Forouhar, the dominant discourse of the Fourth National Front from its establishment in 1977 until the last few months of the Pahlavi regime was ‘constitutionalism and support for the constitution’. In the last months leading up to the 1979 revolution, this discourse moved toward republicanism and overthrow. To understand this process, we directly interpreted the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the National Front organization using the textual discourse analysis method. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored. Based on the results, this change in the discourse of the National Front took place gradually, and the National Front of Iran evolved from an intra-governmental opposition to a group opposed to the establishment of the regime, with a three-point declaration in Paris in November 1978. However, some contradictions can be seen in the discourse of the National Front during this period, which is mostly due to political and partisan interests.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
The Fourth National Front was one of the groups present during the Islamic Revolution that, like its predecessors (i.e. the First to Third National Fronts) and unlike some other extremist currents, did not have a revolutionary attitude and method, and all of its struggles were committed within the framework of the constitution of the time until a few months before the Islamic Revolution.
Over time, however, its discourse and commitment to the constitutional monarchy changed. This change in discourse is considered the result of the signed three-point statement by the leader of the National Front, Karim Sanjabi, and Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the staunch opponents of the regime, after their meeting in Paris on November 5, 1978.
The question, however, is whether this shift in the National Front discourse from constitutionalism to overthrow and the tendency towards republicanism was formed as quickly as the leader’s statement in Paris. Did all the real and legal (juridical) agents and members of the National Front at the time abandon constitutionalism and become republicans? The present study hypothesizes that this change took shape slowly over the course of a few months and manifested itself in the Paris Declaration.
The most important studies close to the subject of this study are two separate articles by Dr. Alireza Mollai Tavani and Ms. Farideh Bavarian, which have studied the relationship between the National Front and the revolutionary religious movement in two separate periods, from its establishment up to the Paris Declaration and then to the Islamic Revolution. Their titles are respectively: "A Study of the National Front's association with the Islamic Revolution from open political space to meeting with Imam Khomeini" and "An Analysis of Political Behavior of the 4th National Front in Developments Resulting in the Victory of Islamic Revolution (November to February 1978)".
However, the purpose of the authors of the current study is to examine this discourse change and the circumstances around its occurrence differently by using the study of the discourse of the group leaders, official statements, and announcements of the Front and of course their official organization (the National Front newsletter), from the manifestation of its three main leaders (Karim Sanjabi, Shapur Bakhtiar, and Dariush Forouhar) on June 12, 1977, until the fall of the monarchy and the victory of the Islamic Revolution on February 11, 1979.
<strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
The method of this research is the direct interpretation of the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the organization of the National Front by the method of textual discourse analysis. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong>
Based on the study of how the position of the Fourth National Front changed, we conclude that the transformation of the discourse of the Fourth National Front from ‘constitution and constitutionalism’ to ‘overthrow and republicanism’ was a gradual change. This gradual change can be seen in all three parts of the study (the statements of the National Front, the speeches of the leaders of the National Front, and the publication of the newsletter of the National Front).
The constant policy of the nationalist current in Iran was to defend the full implementation of the constitution and constitutionalism, but in a situation where the legitimacy of this constitution in the public sphere was decreasing day by day, the National Front also decided to coordinate itself with the events of the time. This was in order to keep up with the developments and provide a foothold in the post-revolution era.
However, it was not easy to predict the course of events. Considering that their positions had changed since November 1978, being cautious and the use of ambiguous and multi-interpretable words in their discourse are abundant.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26628_dfcdf6d9506bdf9bb4e980391d6c2185.pdfUniversity of IsfahanHistorical Researches2008-625314320220923Analysis of Three Theological-Jurisprudential Approaches of Safavid Historians in Legitimizing the Wars of Shah Ismail I to Establish the Safavid StateAnalysis of Three Theological-Jurisprudential Approaches of Safavid Historians in Legitimizing the Wars of Shah Ismail I to Establish the Safavid State931142691110.22108/jhr.2022.133110.2338FAAliGhasemiAssistant professor of History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shahid Chamran University of Ahvaz, Ahvaz, IranJournal Article20220403Contrary to the view that evaluates how Shah Ismail Safavid gained power and established a state solely through the mechanism of military power, the study of the war narratives to found this state shows the opposite trend. In other words, the leaders of the Safavid movement, as well as the historiographical sources of the Safavid era, emphasizes the acquisition of legal and legitimate power by Shah Ismail I in the wars to establish the Safavid state. This article explained why and how this was the case with a historical approach and through resource analysis. The results showed that in the wars he waged to establish the Safavid state, Shah Ismail I demonstrated military actions against his rivals and opponents, in addition to using the sword power of the Ghezelbas, based on Shari’a law. This attitude was reflected in the historiography of the Safavid period in the form of three theological-jurisprudential approaches. The first and second approaches were based on the establishment of the Safavid state based on the philosophy of Jihad in Dar al-Kufr and the struggle against the heretics and hypocrites. The introduction of such a view in historical narratives gave the necessary religious and political legitimacy to Shah Ismail’s wars and also justified the establishment and longevity of the Safavid state. Relying on such an attitude also legitimized elimination of non-Muslim and Muslim rivals. The third approach was to fight the Baghiyan and Taghiyan. This view was a precise justification for recreating King Ismail's wars in Muslim lands.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
In some researches related to the history of Iran, a point of view has been put forward that considers how the Safavids gained power and founded the state based solely on the force of the sword of the Qazalbash tribes and without paying the least attention to the foundations of legitimate power. As an example, Zibakalam writes about the structure of power in Iran: "A tribe's rise to power was primarily based on its military force." (Zibakalam, 1382: 89). Based on such a hypothesis, he believes that "the early Safavid sultans, with the help of many wars, eventually succeeded in establishing a central power, the peak of which was during the time of Shah Abbas Kabir (1588-1629)" (Ibid.: 92). In addition, Homayun Katoozian also writes in his theoretical description entitled "Authoritarian Government: Comparative Theory of Government, Politics, and Society in Iran" as this: "The final test of legitimacy was the ability to acquire and maintain power. Sometimes when the rebels came to power, it was not because they had a legal or traditional right; rather, it was simply because they were able to seize power." (Homayun Katoozian, 1380: 14). It seems that Zibaklam and Katouzian's opinions contain a part of the historical reality of building power in Iran, especially in the Safavid era because the sword force of tribes has played an important role in gaining power by ruling dynasties. However, such a view is a kind of reductionism in the expression of historical facts since it neglects the issue of the legitimacy of gaining power, as well as justification of the government's long-standing state, which has been the focus of the Safavid sultans and their sympathetic historiographical sources. In other words, contrary to the general trend of Iran's political history after Islam, by which families and ruling dynasties have usually taken power by winning wars and almost without specific cultural or religious claims, the Safavids have sought to gain political power in addition to relying on the military force of the Turkic Qazlbash tribes with specific religious claims (cf. Sefat Gol, 1381: 10-12). The study of historical narratives related to the military events during the rise of Shah Ismail and his efforts to gain power and establish the Safavid government also shows the same issue. The young leader of the Safavid political-military movement has tried to legitimize the basis of his military actions to gain power and his confrontation with non-Muslim and Muslim political rivals based on religious attitudes. In particular, the study of historical sources also indicates that the effort to recreate these events lawfully and legitimately has been done consciously. Therefore, the important goal of this research was to analyze the narratives of the historiography sources of the Safavid era in line with Shah Ismail's pretense of military actions based on religious attitudes. Three important theological-jurisprudential approaches of the Safavid era historians in terms of giving legitimacy were found to analyze Shah Ismail’s wars for founding the state.
Materials and Methods
This article was done using the historical research method. By referring to the historical sources and documents of the Safavid era, the author tried to write and categorize the contents. Then, with a historical approach, the categorized materials were analyzed to clarify the research issue.
Discussion of Results and Conclusions
Legitimate military actions based on the laws of Shari’a and their reflection in the form of 3 theological-jurisprudential approaches in the historical narratives of historiography sources could be useful and effective on several levels for the Safavid movement and the government that built this dynasty. First, from the very beginning, the Safavids, who were aware of the religious claims of the Ottomans, made their military and governmental actions based on the rules of Sharia. In this way, compared to the rival government, they created a distinct religious identity for themselves. Second, the sensitivity of Iran's internal powers towards the previous actions of Sheikh Junid and Sheikh Haider continued strongly during the reign of Shah Ismail. Therefore, the military operations had to be done to gain political power under the pretext and proper justification. The most appropriate reason for legitimizing Shah Ismail's power-seeking military activities was pretending to carry out an important religious decree like Jihad against infidels and heretics in the strongly religious atmosphere of this period. For this reason, in the historical narratives attributed to the leaders of this movement in the process of building the Safavid government, the philosophy of Jihad with the infidels and heretics was many times announced as the important goal of the Safavid government establishment. Third, the issue of concentration and longevity of the Safavid government was the attention of the leaders of this dynasty, especially Shah Ismail, from the very beginning. Undoubtedly, realization of such a goal was possible by building solid religious and legitimate foundations because in the religious atmosphere of the beginning of the Safavid era, the legitimacy of gaining a political power and applying it to the people was also heavily influenced by religion and the laws of Sharia when ideology played a decisive role in the social and political relations. In this way, from the very beginning, the Safavids placed the claim of being assigned by the family of Imamate to propagate and support the spread of the Twelver Shia religion in the center of their attention. According to the plan of such a view, they sought to draw their government along the historical rule and Imamate of Shia. Therefore, an effort was made to establish the foundation of Shah Ismail's military actions based on the rules of Sharia.
Accordingly, the findings of this article showed that all the efforts of the young leader of the Safavid movement during the wars of this state, as well as representation of these events in the historical sources of this period, were based on the fact that religious rules had to be followed by Shah Ismail I to acquire a legitimate power. Therefore, 3 theological-jurisprudential approaches in the narratives of the historiographical sources of the Safavid era were formulated by the historians of the Safavid era to legitimately recreate Shah Ismail’s wars for the establishment of this state. The first and second narratives were based on Shah Ismail's pretense and emphasis on Jihad in Dar al-Kufr and fighting against heretics and hypocrites, which was reflected in a utilitarian form in the historical narratives of this period. In addition to the high spiritual reward of implementing these orders and showing the Safavids’ growing movement as a religious movement, formulation of such traditions based on the recent theological-jurisprudential attitude played a special role in legitimizing Shah Ismail’s wars and following the issue of the Safavid government longevity. Also, by relying on the concepts, the elimination of Muslim and non-Muslim political opponents and rivals was justified. The religious and political credibility of Shah Ismail and the Safavid dynasty was promoted in a religious manner along with the prominent and legitimate Islamic governments. The third approach was making a war with the Baghy companions and Ṭaghiyān. This point of view was a special method that was proposed by pro-Safavian historians with the aim of justifying Shah Ismail's war with his Muslim rivals. It seemed that this approach was raised more and more in parallel with the gradual growth of theological-jurisprudential debates and the increase in the historians’ experiences in the Safavid era in the following periods. Perhaps, planning such an attitude, drawing a special religious and governmental position for Shah Ismail, as well as instilling the right to establish the Safavid government along with the historical Shia government and Imamate, were considered by the historians.Contrary to the view that evaluates how Shah Ismail Safavid gained power and established a state solely through the mechanism of military power, the study of the war narratives to found this state shows the opposite trend. In other words, the leaders of the Safavid movement, as well as the historiographical sources of the Safavid era, emphasizes the acquisition of legal and legitimate power by Shah Ismail I in the wars to establish the Safavid state. This article explained why and how this was the case with a historical approach and through resource analysis. The results showed that in the wars he waged to establish the Safavid state, Shah Ismail I demonstrated military actions against his rivals and opponents, in addition to using the sword power of the Ghezelbas, based on Shari’a law. This attitude was reflected in the historiography of the Safavid period in the form of three theological-jurisprudential approaches. The first and second approaches were based on the establishment of the Safavid state based on the philosophy of Jihad in Dar al-Kufr and the struggle against the heretics and hypocrites. The introduction of such a view in historical narratives gave the necessary religious and political legitimacy to Shah Ismail’s wars and also justified the establishment and longevity of the Safavid state. Relying on such an attitude also legitimized elimination of non-Muslim and Muslim rivals. The third approach was to fight the Baghiyan and Taghiyan. This view was a precise justification for recreating King Ismail's wars in Muslim lands.
<strong>Introduction</strong>
In some researches related to the history of Iran, a point of view has been put forward that considers how the Safavids gained power and founded the state based solely on the force of the sword of the Qazalbash tribes and without paying the least attention to the foundations of legitimate power. As an example, Zibakalam writes about the structure of power in Iran: "A tribe's rise to power was primarily based on its military force." (Zibakalam, 1382: 89). Based on such a hypothesis, he believes that "the early Safavid sultans, with the help of many wars, eventually succeeded in establishing a central power, the peak of which was during the time of Shah Abbas Kabir (1588-1629)" (Ibid.: 92). In addition, Homayun Katoozian also writes in his theoretical description entitled "Authoritarian Government: Comparative Theory of Government, Politics, and Society in Iran" as this: "The final test of legitimacy was the ability to acquire and maintain power. Sometimes when the rebels came to power, it was not because they had a legal or traditional right; rather, it was simply because they were able to seize power." (Homayun Katoozian, 1380: 14). It seems that Zibaklam and Katouzian's opinions contain a part of the historical reality of building power in Iran, especially in the Safavid era because the sword force of tribes has played an important role in gaining power by ruling dynasties. However, such a view is a kind of reductionism in the expression of historical facts since it neglects the issue of the legitimacy of gaining power, as well as justification of the government's long-standing state, which has been the focus of the Safavid sultans and their sympathetic historiographical sources. In other words, contrary to the general trend of Iran's political history after Islam, by which families and ruling dynasties have usually taken power by winning wars and almost without specific cultural or religious claims, the Safavids have sought to gain political power in addition to relying on the military force of the Turkic Qazlbash tribes with specific religious claims (cf. Sefat Gol, 1381: 10-12). The study of historical narratives related to the military events during the rise of Shah Ismail and his efforts to gain power and establish the Safavid government also shows the same issue. The young leader of the Safavid political-military movement has tried to legitimize the basis of his military actions to gain power and his confrontation with non-Muslim and Muslim political rivals based on religious attitudes. In particular, the study of historical sources also indicates that the effort to recreate these events lawfully and legitimately has been done consciously. Therefore, the important goal of this research was to analyze the narratives of the historiography sources of the Safavid era in line with Shah Ismail's pretense of military actions based on religious attitudes. Three important theological-jurisprudential approaches of the Safavid era historians in terms of giving legitimacy were found to analyze Shah Ismail’s wars for founding the state.
Materials and Methods
This article was done using the historical research method. By referring to the historical sources and documents of the Safavid era, the author tried to write and categorize the contents. Then, with a historical approach, the categorized materials were analyzed to clarify the research issue.
Discussion of Results and Conclusions
Legitimate military actions based on the laws of Shari’a and their reflection in the form of 3 theological-jurisprudential approaches in the historical narratives of historiography sources could be useful and effective on several levels for the Safavid movement and the government that built this dynasty. First, from the very beginning, the Safavids, who were aware of the religious claims of the Ottomans, made their military and governmental actions based on the rules of Sharia. In this way, compared to the rival government, they created a distinct religious identity for themselves. Second, the sensitivity of Iran's internal powers towards the previous actions of Sheikh Junid and Sheikh Haider continued strongly during the reign of Shah Ismail. Therefore, the military operations had to be done to gain political power under the pretext and proper justification. The most appropriate reason for legitimizing Shah Ismail's power-seeking military activities was pretending to carry out an important religious decree like Jihad against infidels and heretics in the strongly religious atmosphere of this period. For this reason, in the historical narratives attributed to the leaders of this movement in the process of building the Safavid government, the philosophy of Jihad with the infidels and heretics was many times announced as the important goal of the Safavid government establishment. Third, the issue of concentration and longevity of the Safavid government was the attention of the leaders of this dynasty, especially Shah Ismail, from the very beginning. Undoubtedly, realization of such a goal was possible by building solid religious and legitimate foundations because in the religious atmosphere of the beginning of the Safavid era, the legitimacy of gaining a political power and applying it to the people was also heavily influenced by religion and the laws of Sharia when ideology played a decisive role in the social and political relations. In this way, from the very beginning, the Safavids placed the claim of being assigned by the family of Imamate to propagate and support the spread of the Twelver Shia religion in the center of their attention. According to the plan of such a view, they sought to draw their government along the historical rule and Imamate of Shia. Therefore, an effort was made to establish the foundation of Shah Ismail's military actions based on the rules of Sharia.
Accordingly, the findings of this article showed that all the efforts of the young leader of the Safavid movement during the wars of this state, as well as representation of these events in the historical sources of this period, were based on the fact that religious rules had to be followed by Shah Ismail I to acquire a legitimate power. Therefore, 3 theological-jurisprudential approaches in the narratives of the historiographical sources of the Safavid era were formulated by the historians of the Safavid era to legitimately recreate Shah Ismail’s wars for the establishment of this state. The first and second narratives were based on Shah Ismail's pretense and emphasis on Jihad in Dar al-Kufr and fighting against heretics and hypocrites, which was reflected in a utilitarian form in the historical narratives of this period. In addition to the high spiritual reward of implementing these orders and showing the Safavids’ growing movement as a religious movement, formulation of such traditions based on the recent theological-jurisprudential attitude played a special role in legitimizing Shah Ismail’s wars and following the issue of the Safavid government longevity. Also, by relying on the concepts, the elimination of Muslim and non-Muslim political opponents and rivals was justified. The religious and political credibility of Shah Ismail and the Safavid dynasty was promoted in a religious manner along with the prominent and legitimate Islamic governments. The third approach was making a war with the Baghy companions and Ṭaghiyān. This point of view was a special method that was proposed by pro-Safavian historians with the aim of justifying Shah Ismail's war with his Muslim rivals. It seemed that this approach was raised more and more in parallel with the gradual growth of theological-jurisprudential debates and the increase in the historians’ experiences in the Safavid era in the following periods. Perhaps, planning such an attitude, drawing a special religious and governmental position for Shah Ismail, as well as instilling the right to establish the Safavid government along with the historical Shia government and Imamate, were considered by the historians.https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26911_a093a6c20077cd296ba1d23558d5b430.pdf