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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>.</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>شناسنامه</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage></FirstPage>
			<LastPage></LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26697</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.26697</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract></Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA"></OtherAbstract>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26697_16f92cc2551de3628bdfa5743babc8d7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Policy of Kalb Ali Khan Kangarloo Nakhjavani towards the Government of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar:From Convergence to Divergence</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>سیاست کلبعلی‌خان کنگرلو نخجوانی در قبال حکومت آقامحمدخان قاجار (از هم‎‍گرایی تا واگرایی)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>19</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26544</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.131719.2285</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فاطمه</FirstName>
					<LastName>جعفرنیا</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>عزیزنژاد</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانش‌آموخته دکتری تاریخ مطالعات ایران اسلامی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract &lt;/strong&gt;
The Kangarloo dynasty was one of the local rulers of the Caucasus region who came to power in Nakhjavan following the death of Nader Shah Afshar. This dynasty belonged to the Ostajloo tribe and Nakhjavan became their residence during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid. The Kangarloos were the weak local rulers of the Caucasus, and their territory was constantly invaded by other local rulers because of intra-family rivalry. On the eve of the formation of the Qajar government, the rule of this family was with Kalbali Khan Kangarloo. In this regard, this study aims to investigate the nature of the policies of Kalbali Khan in the face of Khan Qajar in two aspects of convergence and divergence. Two research questions posed in this study are: What were the goals of Kalbali Khan in adopting the policy of accompanying Agha Mohammad Khan? What factors influenced his refusal to continue the policy of integration with the Iranian government? Maintaining the principle of the independent rule of the Kangarloo dynasty with the help of superior power and lack of knowledge about the nature of the new Qajar government formed the basis of his integration relations. In contrast, a relative understanding of the nature of Khan Qajar&#039;s political behavior in dealing harshly with the opposition in Qarabagh and Georgia as well as preventing Agha Mohammad Khan from ousting the Kangarloo dynasty paved the way for a change in his position to the new supreme power--the Russians.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Nakhjavan in the administrative structure of the Safavid government with the unit of Toman was a function of Biglerbegi Chukhor Saad, which from the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid, became the residence of the Kangarloo of the Ostajloo tribe. Nakhjavan was ruled by the military commanders of the Kangarloo tribe. From the death of Nader Shah Afshar until the rise of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, the main actors in the political developments in the Caucasus were played by local ruling families of Turkmen descent. The Kangarloo dynasty was also one of the local rulers of the Caucasus who, following the death of Nader Shah, established an independent government in their tribal territory in Nakhjavan. But the most important challenge facing the Kangarloo dynasty was the constant rivalry with each other for power in Nakhjavan. This also paved the way for the intervention of local powers. This situation lasted until the reign of Kalbali Khan Kangarloo. His rule coincided with the rise to power of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar. This study aims to identify the nature of the policies of Kalbali Khan in the face of Khan Qajar in two aspects of convergence and divergence. The following wo research questions are posed: What were the goals of Kalbali Khan in adopting the policy of accompanying Agha Mohammad Khan? What factors influenced his refusal to continue the policy of integration with the Iran government? Preserving the rule of the Kangarloo dynasty from the aggression of powerful rulers such as Qarabagh and lack of sufficient knowledge of the nature of the Qajar government formed the basis of his convergent relations with the Qajar government. Kalbali Khan intended to end the permanent interference of local powers in the affairs of Nakhjavan by adopting the policy of the third force. Regarding his refusal to continue with the Qajar government, it seems that Kalbali Khan, by participating in Agha Mohammad Khan&#039;s first military operation in the Caucasus, had gained a relative understanding of Qajar Khan&#039;s political behavior in dealing with the opposition Khans.
Accordingly, in line with the principle of maintaining an independent rule and preventing the possible removal by Agha Mohammad Khan, he changed the positions of the new superior power in the region, namely the Russians. However, the rapid withdrawal of the Russians from the Caucasus disrupted all his equations, and he himself was removed and imprisoned from ruling Nakhjavan for betraying the Qajar government.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
The method of data collection in the present study is based on library and documentary studies with the descriptive-analytical method.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusions&lt;/strong&gt;
The Kangarloo was one of the local ruling families of Nakhjavan. The intra-family rivalry was the family&#039;s main challenge, paving the way for local powers to intervene. This process continued until the reign of Kalbali Khan Kangarloo. To solve the problem, he turned to policies such as political affiliation with local rulers, the balance of power, and adherence to regional supremacy. The policy of alliance did not guarantee the stability of Kalbali Khan&#039;s rule. The emergence of a new power called Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar presented opportunities and challenges to the rule of Kalbali Khan. Maintaining the rule of the Kangarloo dynasty from the aggression of the superior local powers and the existence of a common enemy were the main factors in Khan Nakhjavan&#039;s integration policy with the government of Iran.
He followed the supreme power and sent his hostage, declaring his allegiance to Khan Qajar. In line with the policy of confronting the common enemy, Agha Mohammad Khan&#039;s support for Kalbali Khan in the invasion of Khan Qarabagh&#039;s forces to Nakhjavan was manifested by sending financial and military aid. Another evidence of Khan Nakhjavan&#039;s integration policy is the participation of the Kangarloo forces in Agha Mohammad Khan&#039;s military operations against the Qarabagh and Georgian Khans. With the arrival of a new superpower called the Russians in the Caucasus, Khan Nakhjavan&#039;s convergence policy changed. Kalbali Khan, fully aware of the nature of the Qajar Shah&#039;s political behavior and the intensity of the violence in dealing with the opposition, deviated from the policy of supporting the government of Iran. He turned to the Russians to maintain his rule. But the temporary presence of the Russians in the region, on the one hand, prevented the realization of Kalbali Khan&#039;s policy as well as revealing his disloyalty to the Iran government. The adoption of this policy led to the intensification of the Qajar Shah, the removal from the rule of Nakhjavan, and his imprisonment.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">خاندان کنگرلو از حکمرانان محلی منطقۀ قفقاز بودند که متعاقب مرگ نادرشاه افشار در نخجوان قدرت یافتند. این خاندان تیره‎‍ای از ایل استاجلو بود و نخجوان از دورۀ حکمرانی شاه‌عباس اول صفوی، به یورت و مسکن آنان تبدیل شد. کنگرلوها جزء حکمرانان محلی ضعیف قفقاز محسوب می‎‍شدند و قلمرو آنان پیوسته به‌سبب نزاع و رقابت درون ‌خاندانی، مورد مداخله و تجاوز دیگر حکام محلی قرار می‎‍گرفت. در آستانۀ تشکیل دولت قاجار، حکمرانی این خاندان با کلبعلی‎‍خان کنگرلو نخجوانی (حک:1202-1211ق./1788-1797م.) بود. این پژوهش درصدد پاسخ به این سؤالات است: کلبعلی‎‍خان کنگرلو از اتخاذ سیاست همراهی با آقامحمدخان قاجار چه اهدافی داشت؟ چه عواملی در امتناع او از ادامۀ سیاست هم‎‍گرایی با حکومت ایران تأثیرگذار بود؟ این پژوهش بر آن است تا با تکیه بر نسخ خطی فارسی، اسناد آرشیو چاپی عثمانی و منابع تاریخ‎‍نگاری ایرانی و روسی، با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی، موضوع مدنظر را واکاوی کند. بررسی مواضع کلبعلی‎‍خان کنگرلو در برخورد با آقامحمدخان قاجار و شناخت سیاست‎‍های او در مناسبات با حکومت جدید قاجار از مسائل این تحقیق است. یافته‎‍های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که حفظ اصل حکمرانی مستقل خاندان کنگرلو، به‌مدد قدرت برتر و نداشتن ‌شناخت از ماهیت حکومت جدید قاجار، اساس مناسبات هم‎‍گرایی او را تشکیل می‎‍داد. در مقابل، شناخت نسبی از سرشت رفتار سیاسی خان قاجار در برخورد خشن با مخالفان در قراباغ و گرجستان و پیشگیری از حذف حکمرانی خاندان کنگرلو از سوی آقامحمدخان قاجار، زمینۀ تغییر موضع او به قدرت برتر جدید یعنی روس‎‍ها را فراهم آورد.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">آذربایجان</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">قفقاز</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">کلبعلی‎‍خان کنگرلو</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">قراباغ</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26544_dbee2be694d7deb7dca8e8accb0d6098.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Possibility of the Existence of An Older Ancestral Land for the People of Parsua Based on the Contents of Written Archaeological Sources and Historical-Mythological Names</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>امکان وجود یک سرزمین نیایی کهنتر برای مردمان پَرسواَ بر مبنای محتوای منابع مکتوب باستان‌شناختی و نامهای تاریخی اساطیری</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>21</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>38</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26545</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.131862.2291</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سورنا</FirstName>
					<LastName>فیروزی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری، گروه باستانشناسی، دانشکده هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>زهره</FirstName>
					<LastName>جوزی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه سیستانوبلوچستان، زاهدان، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-4370-6946</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدامین</FirstName>
					<LastName>سعادت مهر</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری، گروه باستانشناسی، دانشکده هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5684-5673</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Based on the data extracted from Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, this is a famous fact that the report of Shalmaneser III is the earliest text, which has mentioned the political presence of a group of people named Parsuans as the league of 27 rulers&quot; in the second half of the 9&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century B.C. Archaeomythology is an integral part of the analysis of culture and historiography of historical nations. The information provided by Greek-speaking authors about the roots of the name of Persians (Πέρσαι) may be one of the basic data used in the background of Archaeomythological research. In this article, based on the components of this archaeological approach, the possibility of dealing with older evidence of the identity and political presence of Persian ancestors or people of Parsua was investigated. The present study showed that a solution could be proposed to establish a connection between the mythological data in written sources and those archaeological written documents obtained from excavations and obtain an older trace of their presence based on this method.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;sup&gt;KUR&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;em&gt;Pár-su-&lt;/em&gt;a-a was a land located in the west of the Iranian plateau on the way of the Assyrian army into the settlements of &quot;A-ma-da-a-a&quot; or Western Medes regions close to &quot;&lt;em&gt;māt&lt;/em&gt; Úrarṭu&quot;, &quot;Mannai&quot;, &quot;Zamua&quot;, and &quot;Gizil-p/bunda&quot;. The first document referring to the Assyrians&#039; approaching to the Persians was the third paragraph of the fourth column written by &lt;em&gt;Šalmanaser&lt;/em&gt; III (A.0.102.6) (Luckenbill 1926: 206; Grayson, 1996: 40). It referred not to a land or a country (KUR or &lt;em&gt;māt&lt;/em&gt;), but to a city (URU) by that name. After the reign of &lt;em&gt;Šalmanaser&lt;/em&gt;, a land with the same name or in the form of KUR.par-&lt;em&gt;su&lt;/em&gt;-&lt;em&gt;áš&lt;/em&gt; with the same geographical area was mentioned in the inscriptions of his successors until the 7&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century BC. We encountered KUR.par-&lt;em&gt;su&lt;/em&gt;-&lt;em&gt;áš&lt;/em&gt; in the South Zagros near Anshan (Grayson, 2014: 194, 335), which created some challenges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this article, two types of components were considered to analyze the data. One of them was historical nomens (geographical  and ethnical toponymies), which were related to political-ethnic groups and their lands of residence. The other one included the names derived from the mythological justifications in the old texts that were mentioned later in relation to the events or subjects. For example, there was an awareness that the geographical descent name of Pārsa appeared both in Mesopotamian texts (Component A1) (old Persian (comparative evidence of Component 1)) and in Greek texts. In the contents of these Greek texts, there was mainly an explanatory narrative (Witness Component B1) as to why an event occurred or why a name was given to a population based on Greek mythology. In this case, the origin of the Persians nomen in Herodotus&#039;s text (Πέρσíς) was also traced back to the myth of &quot;Πέρσης&quot; (Component B1). Herodotus spok of an older historical name for the Persians (Component B2) and its mythological roots (Witness Component B2) (Herodotus, VII: 61), which formed the basis of the study. This article sought out the historical written form (Component A2=unknown) that was associated with the older name of the Persian population.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to a mythological view that seemed to have prevailed among the Greeks and that Herodotus wrote in his work, the Persian and Persian names had their roots in &quot;Perseus&quot; (Περσεύς), the Greek mythological hero. Herodotus wrote that the Persians were formerly called &quot;Cephenes&quot; (Κηφῆνες) by the Greeks and &quot;Artai&quot; (plural: Ἀρταῖοι) by themselves, as well as their neighbors. When Perseus, Andromeda, (δρονδρομέδα), a son was born to them, who was named &quot;Persis&quot; (Πέρσης). It was from this child that the Persians got their new name (Herodotus, VII: 61). Although Herodotus&#039;s reference was clearly derived from an ancient worldview and classical view of demographic etymologies (naming an ancestor after a city, country, or population), it contained a point that was very important from the point of view of the present article. In the report of Aššr-nāṣir-apli II, son of Tukulti-Ninurta II, which related to his campaign in the first year of his reign (883 BCE), he wrote that he left Kalhu (modern Nimrud), crossed the Tigris and down to the other side of the Tigris coast (south), and reached a land called &quot;K/Qipani&quot; (Kipani; &lt;sup&gt;KUR&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;em&gt;qi-pa-ni&lt;/em&gt;). In a city called &quot;Ḫuzirina&quot; (&lt;sup&gt;URU&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;em&gt;ḫu-zi-ri-na&lt;/em&gt;), its rulers took tributes (Luckenbill, 1926: 127; Grayson, 1991: 219). The present village of &quot;Khazraniyah&quot; (coordinates of39.36° 35&#039; N and 26.264° 43&#039; E) located in the eastern part of Sharqat in the province of Salahiddin in Iraq.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Based on the analysis of the geographical data of Assyrian texts, as well as the mythological roots presented for the demographic letters in Herodotus&#039;s text, an anonymous comparison was made between the 4 components mentioned in this article. In the Assyrian texts, a demographic identity was sought in the coordinates related to the Assyrian neighbors to see if a suitable case could be found to determine the original form of the ancestral name of the Persians before the time of Shalmaneser III from the phonetic, geographical, and temporal points of view. In the era of Aššr-nāṣir-apli II, the father of Shalmaneser, &quot;Kipani land&quot; was seen. From all the three perspectives, it was appropriate to introduce the historical equivalent of the ancestor of the Parsuan people in the mythological narrative of Herodotus, as well as the issue of Cephenes and Persians.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پیرو قرائت‌های صورت‌گرفته از ترجمۀ متون نوآشوری، نظر بر این است که برای نخستین‌بار در سدۀ نهم پیش از میلاد و در گزارشی از شلمانسر سوم، به مردمانی با نام «اتحادیه‌ای از بیست‌وهفت شهریار پَرسواَ» اشاره شده است. برخی اهالی، این هویت‌ سیاسی را نیاکان پارسیان در سده‌های بعدی می‌دانند و گروهی نیز قائل به برقراری چنین رابطۀ نیانواده‌ای میان آن دو جمعیت نیستند. از طرفی در تحلیل فرهنگ و تاریخ‌نگاری ملت‌های تاریخی، باستان‌‌شناسی اساطیر بخش جدایی‌ناپذیر به شمار می‌آید؛ پس آن می‌تواند در تحلیل داده‌های اساطیری و شبه‌تاریخی و تطبیق نتایج این تحلیل‌ها با واقعیت‌های تاریخی‌باستان‌شناختی راه‌حلی مناسب برشمرده شود. این امکان وجود دارد که مجموعه اطلاعاتی که نویسندگان یونانی‌زبان از چیستی هویت‌ نام پارس (Πέρσíς) و پارسیان (Πέρσαι) ارائه کرده‌اند، یکی از این داده‌های نخستین برای پژوهش‌های باستان‌شناسی اساطیر لحاظ شود. در این مقاله و براساس مؤلفه‌های رویکرد یادشده از مطالعات باستان‌شناختی، امکان برخورد با مدارک کهن‌تری از هویت و حضور نیاکان پارسی یا اهالی پَرسواَ بررسی شده است. مطالعۀ پیش رو نشان می‌دهد می‌توان راهکاری پیشنهاد کرد که میان داده‌های اساطیری منابع مکتوب و آن گروه از اطلاعات نوشتاری که از پژوهش‌های باستا‌‌ن‌شناختی به دست آمده‌اند، ارتباطی برقرار کرد و از این روش، ردپای کهن‌تری از حضور پارسیان به دست آورد. اینکه عوامل مطالعه‌شده دارای صورت اساطیری، ولی درون‌مایۀ قیاسی تاریخی و انطباق‌پذیر با متون آشوری‌اند و این‌گونه دست‌یافتن به جغرافیای خاستگاه یک جمعیت تاریخی امکان‌پذیر می‌شود، اساس این مطالعه است؛ همچنین پیش از ورود به تحلیل داده‌ها، نظریه‌های دوگانۀ موجود و رایج دربارۀ هویت تباری اهالی پَرسواَ بررسی شده است؛ سپس پیرو داده‌های موضوع بحث، ردپای تاریخی نیاکان محتمل برای مردمان پَرسواَ پیگیری و تحلیل شده است.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">کیپانی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">متون نوآشوری</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">هرودوت</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Explaining the Effects of Imam Ali’s Thoughts and Economic Performance on the Development of Islamic Civilization with Emphasis on Shiite Civilization and Governments</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تبیین تأثیر اندیشه و عملکرد اقتصادی امام علی (ع) بر توسعۀ تمدن اسلامی- با تأکید بر تمدن‌سازی حکومت‌های شیعی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>39</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>56</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26421</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.131959.2297</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>آیت</FirstName>
					<LastName>قبادی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانش آموخته، گروه فقه و مبانی حقوق اسلامی، دانشکده الهیات و معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه ایلام، ایلام، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;
Muslims’ economic activities in the early centuries of Islam have been one of the major parameters in the formation of Islamic civilization and development in the form of Islamic economic system, which has led to a leap in the production of wealth. In the development of this economic system, diverse personalities, including Imam Ali’s, have played a significant role. In this article, a descriptive-analytical attempt was made to examine the impacts of Imam Ali’s thoughts and economic performance on the development of Islamic civilization, as well as the civilization of Shiite governments. The research findings indicated that his economic thought and performance in economic justice, economic innovation, and explanation of economic jurisprudence, as well as construction and expansion of endowment work, had an effect on the development of Islamic civilization. Similarly, following the pattern of Imam Khomeini’s discourse of justice, the governments of the Idrisids, Tabarestan Alavids and Yemen Zaidis, engaged in the economic systematization, which resulted in the prevention of discrimination, tax cuts, poverty alleviation, and economic prosperity of production.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
One of the significant features of Islam is the concern for economic issues in a novel and purposeful format with the aim of regulating economic relations, meeting requirements, gaining universal prosperity, and the hereafter happiness of human beings. In the form of this new economic system, along with efficient manpower, natural facilities, and new technology, Muslims have been able to pave the way for the emergence of Islamic civilization by boosting wealth creation. In the process of building the structure of Muslim civilization based on the historical sources and Imam Ali’s background and position in the history of Islam, Imam Ali’s thoughts have had a significant impact on the various religious, political, cultural, and economic fields of the Islamic society and infrastructure establishment for the formation of Islamic civilization. In his life and especially during his caliphate (35-40 AH.), Imam Ali has been able to provide a good model of systematization of Islamic economy. Likewise, through his connection to Bani Hashem Family, who have had a long history in business, Imam was aware of Muslims’ decisions and economic issues during the Prophet’s government. He has had perfect knowledge of economic jurisprudence and advice. Various successors to the first caliphs have been the influencial factors of his success in presenting this economic model. On the other side, in his personal life, he has been particularly interested in construction and development. Also, he has been diligent in the development of endowments. The combination of these factors has caused Imam Ali to present the most harmful views in the economic field. Considering his background and position, it is natural that his economic performance and thought in the process of Islamization, more specifically by Shiite governments, have been considered and modeled.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
This research was conducted based on library data collection. In terms of review and explanation, it was a descriptive-analytical method. First, the main factors, based on which Imam Ali’s thought and economic performance were effective, were identified according to the main sources and then Imam’s achievements of economic actions and reforms were explained in the process of Muslim civilization and modeling of Shiite governments based on his tradition.
Numerous researches Imam Ali’s actions, reforms, and economic thought have been published, most of which are based on his economic life, actions, and reforms, as well as his desired economic system during his caliphate. However, they have analyzed his economic behaviors and have not dealt with the influences of his thought and economic performance in later periods, especially in the formation and development of Islamic civilization. Thus, in the present article,  the different influential angles of his economic thoughts on the development of Islamic civilization were coherently studied.
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion and Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
 Based on the sources, the Shiite governments of Idrissids, Tabarestan Alavids, and Yemen Zaydis were found to be influenced by Imam’s essential discourse of justice. In fact, a comprehensive economic reform program was implemented to eliminate discrimination, establish equality, abolish class customs, adjust taxes, alleviate poverty, and observe affairs. They were conducted to the public benefit regardless of the agents’ behaviors. The results of these justice-oriented reforms were the spread of Islam, establishment of unity and solidarity, developments of commerce and industry and public welfare, and finally flourishing of Islamic culture and civilization in their territories.
Imam’s actions and reforms were of high importance. Among them, economic innovation, explanation of economic jurisprudence, and construction and development of endowments were found to be highly mentioned.
It made a significant contribution to increasing production, better managing resources and optimally using them, improving productivity, developing employment, and fighting corruption in the Islamic society.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">فعالیت‎های اقتصادی مسلمانان در سده‎‍های نخستین اسلامی در قالب نظام اقتصادی اسلام، که به جهش تولید و خلق ثروت انجامید، یکی از عوامل اصلی‎ شکل‎گیری و توسعۀ تمدن اسلامی بوده است. در تدوین این نظام اقتصادی، شخصیت‌های مختلف و ازجمله امام علی (ع) نقش محوری داشته‌اند. امام علی (ع) در دوران خلافت، توانست مجموعه‌ای از اصلاحات به هم ‌پیوستۀ اقتصادی را به اجرا گذارد و مُدلی ناب از نظام‌سازی اقتصادی را عرضه کند. هدف امام (ع)، استقرار عدالت و کسب رفاه برای بیشتر مردم با ریشه‌کنی فقر، فساد و تبعیض بوده است. در این مقاله کوشش ‎‍شده است که به ‎‍روش توصیفی- تحلیلی، تأثیر اندیشه و عملکرد اقتصادی امام علی (ع) بر توسعۀ تمدن اسلامی و به‎‍ویژه در تمدن‌سازی حکومت‌های شیعی، بررسی شود. یافتۀ پژوهش نشان داده اندیشه و عملکرد اقتصادی امام (ع) در زمینه‌هایی همچون: عدالت اقتصادی، نوآوری اقتصادی، تبیین فقه اقتصادی، سازندگی و آبادانی و توسعۀ وقف بر توسعۀ تمدن اسلامی تأثیر داشته است. پیشنهادهای نوآورانۀ اقتصادی امام (ع)، در دورۀ خلفای نخستین و در دوران خلافت (40-35 ق)، اثر فزاینده‌ای در انضباط اداری و مالی مسلمانان، افزایش تولید، هویت‌دادن به حکومت اسلامی و تأمین امنیت تجار داشته است. امام (ع) جامع‌ترین نظرها را در زمینۀ فقه اقتصادی ارائه کرده و نظرهای ایشان نقش محوری در رسمیت‌دادن به فعالیت‌های اقتصادی مسلمانان داشته است. ازطرفی حکومت‌های علویان طبرستان، فاطمیان و زیدیان یمن، از آرای فقهی امام (ع) در زمینۀ فقه اقتصادی استفاده کرده‌اند. اهتمام امام (ع) در زمینۀ آبادانی و توسعۀ وقف، باعث تأمین نیازهای محرومان، ایجاد اشتغال، رایج‌شدن فرهنگ کار و تلاش در بین مردم و شکل‌گیری نظام وقف شده است. همچنین حکومت‌های ادریسیان، علویان طبرستان و زیدیان یمن، با الگوپذیری از گفتمان عدالت‌خواهانۀ امام (ع)، به نظام‎‍سازی اقتصادی پرداخته‌اند که پیامد آن، ممانعت از تبعیض، تعدیل مالیات‌ها، فقرزدایی و رونق تولید بوده است.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">امام علی (ع)</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">تمدن اسلامی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">اندیشۀ اقتصادی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">حکومت‌های شیعی</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_26421_e1884c8eb04e65ab256db185381fefe5.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Analysis of the Influence of Arabs on Iranian Customs
(Case Study: Recreation, Food, and Clothing)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تحلیل و واکاوی تأثیرپذیری اعراب از آداب و رسوم ایرانی (مطالعۀ موردی: تفریح، خوراک و پوشاک)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>57</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>74</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26547</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.132096.2304</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>حاتم</FirstName>
					<LastName>موسایی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ اسلام، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد شوشتر، شوشتر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>غفار</FirstName>
					<LastName>پوربختیار</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد شوشتر، شوشتر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>عبدالعزیز</FirstName>
					<LastName>موحد</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد شوشتر، شوشتر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With its rich cultural and civilizational background, Iran has always interacted with cultures that have had a great impact on other lands, cultures, and civilizations. In this regard, Iranian customs and traditions have influenced the culture, traditions, and customs of the Arabs in various ways. Therefore, with a descriptive-analytical approach based on library data and Wilhelm Schmidt’s concept of cultural dissemination, this research sought to find an answer to the question of how the Arabs adapted Iranian customs and came under the influence of Iranian customs and traditions, especially in the fields of entertainment, food, and clothing. The findings of this study showed that the richness of Iranian culture, geographical proximity, court relations, and sometimes war caused the Arabs in general and the caliphs in particular to adapt items, such as entertainment, food, and clothing from Iranian customs and traditions. This cultural spread, which was associated with communication and desire, gradually created new customs and traditions to replace the older ones. In this process, the useful elements of the borrowing culture might be lost and the strengths of the dominant culture might be adapted by the adapting culture, thus correcting its weaknesses.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the conquest of Iran, the Arab community confronted a systematic and complex set of governments. However, their temperaments and habits of living in the desert did not agree with the government and court customs. After the conquest of civilized lands, especially Iran, they were influenced by the Iranian kings’ special customs. They passed through the simple lifestyle of Sheikhin&#039;s time and turned to the glory of Khosravan court of Iran. The caliphate became so similar to the Iranians both in terms of customs and culture and their court that Iran’s titles, customs, and culture penetrated into their lives.&lt;br /&gt;This encouraged the author to explore the theory of cultural dissemination presented by Wilhelm Schmidt, who was a German anthropologist, through a descriptive-analytical research by using library data based on the first and second categories of sources. The most important question in this study was how the Arabs were influenced by the Iranian people’s customs and traditions, especially in the field of entertainment and if food and clothing were included in this process. The richness of Iranian culture, geographical proximity, trade, court relations, and sometimes war caused this cultural spread to take place willingly and gradually.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this research, library, documentary, and field study methods were applied to analyze the influence of Arabs on Iranian customs. To this goal, the researcher used the private unclassified documents obtained from local informants and through interviews with them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Discussion, Results, and Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In all societies, the spread of cultures has been influenced by two factors, &quot;desire&quot; and &quot;communication&quot;, which are more influenced by each other when cultures are associated with geographical proximity, trade, court relations, war. A culture is more adapted that offers better solutions to problems and better cultural tools.&lt;br /&gt; The findings of this study showed the influences of Iranian culture and traditions on the Arabs and how they adapted these customs and traditions based on the spread of cultures due to geographical proximity. In particular, the direct relationship with trade caused pre-Islamic Arabs to adapt these customs and traditions and get acquainted with Iranian traditions of entertainment, food, and clothing, thus correcting the weaknesses of their culture.&lt;br /&gt;With the spread of Islam, their direct connection with Iranians through the war and the presence of Iranian secretaries in the courts became more and more close.As a result, they distanced themselves from the simple lifestyles of the Rashidun caliphs. This interest in luxuries and aristocracy appeared in the Umayyad era and increased during the Abbasid period, which was contrary to the religious leaders’ social justice and simple biological policies adopted by the Islamic school. This caused the negative effect of cultural dissemination.&lt;br /&gt;The presence of Iranian teachers in the Abbasid era of madness, the friendly relationship between the caliphate and the distinct Iranian class, and the coexistence of the two cultures caused etiquette in the fields of fun and entertainment, food, and clothing, and their related customs to be adapted more than ever.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">ایران با پیشینۀ فرهنگی و تمدنی غنی، همیشه با فرهنگ‌ها تعامل داشته و تأثیر بسزایی بر سرزمین‌ها، فرهنگ‌ها و ‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌تمدن‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌های دیگر گذاشته ‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌است. در همین راستا آداب و سنن ایرانی به ‌شیوه‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌های گوناگون بر فرهنگ، سنن و آداب اعراب ‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌‌تأثیرگذار بوده است. بنابراین این پژوهش با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی، مبتنی بر داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای و براساس مفهوم اشاعۀ فرهنگی ویلهم اشمیت، در‌ پی یافتن پاسخی به این سؤال است که چگونه اعراب، آداب ایرانی را اقتباس و تحت تأثیر آداب و سنن ایرانی به‌ویژه در حوزۀ تفریح و سرگرمی، خوراک و پوشاک قرار گرفتند؟ یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد غنای فرهنگ ایرانی، مجاورت جغرافیایی، مراودۀ دیوانی و گاهی جنگ باعث می‌شود اعراب به‌طور عام و خلفا به‌طور خاص مواردی ازجمله، &lt;em&gt;تفریح، خوراک و پوشاک&lt;/em&gt; را از آداب و سنن ایرانیان اقتباس کنند. این اشاعۀ فرهنگی که همراه با ارتباط و تمایل بود، به‌تدریج باعث می‌شد که آداب و سنن جدید جایگزین آداب و سنن قدیمی‌تر شود و ممکن بود عناصر مفید فرهنگ وام‌گیرنده نیز از بین برود و فرهنگ اقتباس‌کننده، قوت فرهنگ غالب را اقتباس و ضعف خود را اصلاح کند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">خوراک</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">پوشاک</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">تفریح</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">اعراب</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">اشاعۀ فرهنگ</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ایرانیان</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Formation of Political Power and the Configuration of the Almoravids Legitimacy System in al-Andalus</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>شکل‌گیری قدرت سیاسی و پیکربندی نظام مشروعیت مُرابِطون در اندلس</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>75</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>88</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26520</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.132210.2309</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدحسن</FirstName>
					<LastName>بهنام فر</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه معارف، مجتمع آموزش عالی اسفراین، اسفراین، خراسان شمالی، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;
Almoravids, as one of the most important Islamic states in the fifth century AH, ruled Maghreb and al-Andalus. The situation in al-Andalus, after the Umayyads and the establishment of Taʼifa king, became unstable and suitable for their presence. Sovereignty in al-Andalus for the Maghreb Ṣanhāja required strengthening the power and structure of the system legitimacy. They formed the configuration of their legitimacy by superiority over the various Maghreb tribes and creating the concept of jihad, political power with the help of Maliki&#039;s thought, adoption of the title of Amir al-Muslimin, and jihad with Christians. Therefore, the analysis of the political power of the Almoravids, the structure of their legitimacy, and the process of their presence in Andalusia is important from the perspective of this research. The present analytical study tries to answer the following question: what factors led to the formation of the power structure and legitimacy system Almoravids in al-Andalus according to the conditions of the fifth century AH? The findings indicate that the Almoravids initially exploited the Maghreb&#039;s capacity for the hegemony of power and the structure legitimacy and established their sovereignty. Then, by adopting the concept of jihad against Christians and seeking help from Maliki jurists, they arrived in al-Andalus and took advantage of the rupture of the political power of the rulers of Taʼifa king and occupied al-Andalus.
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
The presence of Almoravids in the Islamic Maghreb, coinciding with the rupture of power after the Umayyad in Al-Andalus, inevitably linked the development of these two neighboring lands. The Almoravid movements first started based on the tribal structure in the Maghreb and religious thought. After its formation, Almoravids first strengthened its power base and moved closer to the borders of Al- Andalus. With the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate of Al-Andalus in 422AH/ 1031AD, a small kingdom emerged, known as the period of the tribal kings. Most of the rulers of states and their rulers were constantly involved with each other. Their policy was based on achieving personal benefits without considering the important issues of land and people.
As a result of this policy and due to the war between the rulers of different regions, political turmoil emerged in Al-Andalus, affecting the inhabitants&#039; economic situation. The differences between the Tifaking rulers, the lack of unified power, and Christian attacks on Islamic lands led to seeking help from the Almoravid government. The land of Al-Andalus apart from the presence of Muslims for the desert dweller of Almoravids had many attractions. Almoravids could take advantage of provided opportunities and introduced themselves as the rulers of Al- Andalus.
The present study also emphasizes the role of Almoravids in the fifth century but presents the power structure and legitimacy system of this government in the political atmosphere of Al- Andalus and the challenge of its presence on this island. In this respect, the following question is posed: In the process of consolidating power and presence in Al-Andalus, what political action and intellectual development did Almmoravids do to establish their system of legitimacy? What logic did Al-Andalus consider for the presence of Almoravids during the period of Taifa king? It seems that Almoravids, in the early stages, took advantage of the Maghreb’s capacity for the hegemony of power and structure of legitimacy and consolidated their sovereignty. They then reached Al-Andalus by adopting the concept of jihad and the title of Amir al-Muslim against Christians and seeking help from Maliki jurist. They also made the most use of the rupture of political power by the rulers of the Taifa king. Joseph’s presence in Al-Andalus and his relative victory over the Christians undoubtedly challenged Taʼifa king; in other words, it did not take long for Amir Al-Muslimin and Amir Al-Arab to quarrel. But this time, too, the Almoravids succeeded in conquering Al-Andalus.
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
The present study, with an analytical approach and emphasis on sources, tries to answer the following question: what factors led to the formation of the power structure and legitimacy system of the relatives according to the condition of the fifth century?
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results and Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
The Almoravids first created a religious movement in the Maghreb desert and sought help from the tradition of Ṣanhāja tribes and Maliki jurisprudence, and then succeeded in conquering the entire Islamic Maghreb and paying attention to Al-Andalus. At this stage, they changed the configuration of their legitimacy system by using the title ‘Amir al-Muslimin’, and by adopting such a policy, they introduced themselves as the defenders of Muslims in the West to Islamic rulers. It also reflected the growing power and ambitions of the Almoravid government. By consolidating the political structure and strengthening the system of legitimacy, they took advantage of the power vacuum in Al-Andalus and entered there. Much of the Almoravid’s success in Al-Andalus depended on the political situation and the structure of the ruling governments there. Before taking any action, Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn decided to adopt the most appropriate method of defending against the progress of Christians by creating the concept of “jihad” and uniting the rulers of the region. The issue of jihad had a place in Maliki’s justification for establishing the political legitimacy of the Almoravids in Al-Andalus.
Although the Almoravids succeed in shaping political power and the system of legitimacy, there are a number of reasons why they encountered difficulties in establishing power in Al-Andalus. First, the Al-Andalus environment was unfamiliar to the Almoravids, and due to their dependence on the Maghreb desert, they could not establish a model like the Al-Andalus Umayyads. Another issue goes back to the discourse of the political power of the Almoravids in Al-Andalus, which did not continue after Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn. After Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn, they shattered their rule by creating erosive battles in Al–Andulas at great expense, and caused dissatisfaction by raising taxes. The Almoravids were stuck in the confusion of the Maghreb in Al-Andalus, with all its ups and downs. They weakened after the death of Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn (500 AH/1106 AD) and then declined. Nevertheless, the Almoravids marked one of the best historical periods in Al-Andalus.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مُرابِطون یکی از دولت‌های مهم اسلامی در قرن پنجم قمری/یازدهم میلادی بود که علاوه‌بر مغرب، در اندلس نیز حاکمیت یافت. گسست قدرت پس از امویان و استقرار دولت‌های ملوک‌الطوایفی در اندلس، وضعیت بی‌ثباتی ایجاد کرده بود و این امر، فرصتی برای مرابطون به وجود آورد. حضور در اندلس مستلزم تقویت قدرت و ساختار نظام مشروعیت برای بربرهای صنهاجی مغرب بود. آنها با برتری بر قبایل مختلف مغرب و ایجاد مفهوم جهاد، قدرت سیاسی ساختند و با استمداد از اندیشۀ مالکی و انتخاب لقب امیرالمسلمین و جهاد با مسیحیان، پیکربندی مشروعیت خویش را شکل دادند؛ از این رو پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی تحلیلی و با تأکید منابع، تلاش می‌کند به این پرسش پاسخ دهد: با توجه به اوضاع اندلس در قرن پنجم قمری، چه عواملی باعث شکل‌گیری ساختار قدرت و نظام مشروعیت مرابطون شد؟ یافته‌های پژوهش از آن حکایت دارد که مرابطون در مرحلۀ ابتدایی، از ظرفیت‌های مغرب برای هژمونی قدرت و ساختار مشروعیت سود جستند و حاکمیت خویش را تثبیت کردند؛ سپس با در پیش گرفتن مفهوم جهاد در برابر مسیحیان و استمداد از فقهای مالکی، خود را به اندلس رساندند و از گسست قدرت سیاسی امرای ملوک‌الطوایفی بیشترین استفاده را بردند و اندلس را به حوزۀ تصرف خود درآوردند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>پژوهش های تاریخی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-6253</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Organizing the Endowment System and its Educational Goals in the First Pahlavi Era</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>سازماندهی نظام اوقاف و اهداف آموزشی آن در عصر پهلوی اول</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>89</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>105</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">26521</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jhr.2022.132285.2312</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهدی</FirstName>
					<LastName>عباسی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانش‌آموخته کارشناسی ارشد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه مازندان، بابلسر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>شجری قاسم خیلی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سید حسن</FirstName>
					<LastName>شجاعی دیوکلائی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;

The issue of endowment (waqf) is one of the most important issues in the history of Islamic Iran. This importance stems from its impact on various religious, political, social, and economic aspects. Therefore, in the history of Iran, governments have always tried to interfere in the affairs of endowments. The first Pahlavi government also followed the same method. This government made fundamental changes in endowment affairs, as in other areas including political, economic, social, and cultural structures of Iran in the Qajar era. The present study aims to answer the question of: How was the endowment affairs organized in the first Pahlavi era and what were its educational goals? The historical method and archival documents, publications, and other historical sources were used in this study.
The findings show that the Pahlavi government during a ten-year process, through the approval of new laws, was succeeded in organizing endowments and making changes in that area with the aim of quantitatively and qualitatively developing the country’s educational system. This goal was achieved by using endowments and spending the proceeds of endowments in the fields of construction (construction of educational buildings), education (promotion of education and provision of educational resources), and publishing books.

&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Introduction &lt;/strong&gt;

The issue of endowment in the history of Iran has been considered since ancient times. With the rise of Islam and its widespread emphasis on endowment and benevolence, its functions and uses increased. The importance and credibility of the endowment institution in Iran are such that some people believe that the correct recognition of the Iranian court is not possible without accurate recognition of the endowment institution. In the Qajar era, with the increase of political and religious influence of the clergy, the power of the clergy in managing the spiritual and financial affairs of the endowments was restored and despite the efforts in the Naseri and constitutional era, the power and influence of the Ulama over endowment affairs remained until the end of this period. So, the first Pahlavi government inherited the structure of the Qajar government in endowment affairs. This structure of the endowment system was not favorable in the first Pahlavi government for various reasons. That&#039;s why the Pahlavi government, after consolidating the foundations of its power, sought to organize endowment affairs for its goals. Explaining the evolution of the endowment system and analyzing the educational goals of Reza Shah are the most important concerns of this study.

&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods   &lt;/strong&gt;

This study aims to answer the question of: How was the endowment affairs organized in the first Pahlavi era and what were its educational goals? To gather the data, the historical method and archival documents, publications, and other historical sources were used in this study.

&lt;strong&gt; Discussion of Results and Conclusions    &lt;/strong&gt;

One of the goals of the first Pahlavi government was to achieve political centralization. Creating a bureaucracy and training an efficient bureaucrat was one of the necessary institutions and tools for creating political centralization. According to this principle, bureaucracy and its development as the tools to create political concentration were considered by the first Pahlavi government. The realization of this issue depended on the development of the country&#039;s educational system. The development of the educational system also required the provision of financial resources. It was not possible to finance these expenses only through the annual budget of the Ministry of Education. For this reason, the Pahlavi government had to seek other financial resources to cover the expenses of the country&#039;s educational system. One of these sources was the income from endowments. Accordingly, the Pahlavi government tried to organize the endowment system of the country and finally succeeded in approving the endowment law in 1313 AH. In this way, it would provide the necessary financial resources to achieve its goals.
However, before approving this law, the Pahlavi government tried to use the revenues of endowments in the development of the country&#039;s educational system. This process intensified after approving the Endowment Law. After that, the Pahlavi government organized the endowments in a purposeful manner and sought to use the endowments and their revenues in the field of educational development. Endowment and its revenues were used in three parts including construction, educational expenses, and publishing books. In the construction expenditures part, the Pahlavi government acted in two fields of building schools in endowment fields and constructing schools from endowment revenues. In the field of educational expenditures, endowments and incomes were used in some ways including the provision of teachers&#039; salaries, the provision of tuition, accommodation expenses for students, and the establishment of a preaching institute. In addition, the Pahlavi government published some books and established libraries from endowments revenues. Thus, the first Pahlavi government succeeded in organizing the country&#039;s endowment system to take steps towards achieving its goals by using endowment and its revenues in the development of the country&#039;s educational system. The most important of these goals was to train the necessary force to create an efficient bureaucratic system in order to create a political concentration in the country.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مسئلۀ وقف یکی از مسائل مهم تاریخ ایران دوران اسلامی است. این اهمیت ناشی از تأثیر‎‍ و تأثر آن بر جنبه‎‍های مختلف مذهبی، سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی است. از این رو در تاریخ ایران همواره حکومت‎‍ها درصدد مداخله در امور اوقاف برآمدند، حکومت پهلوی ‎‍اول نیز از این قاعده مستثنی نبود. این حکومت در امور اوقاف همانند دیگر عرصه‎‍ها و ساخت‎‍های سیاسی، اقتصادی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی ایران بازمانده از عصر قاجار، دست به تغییرات اساسی زد و درصدد سازماندهی ساختار اوقاف و میراث بازمانده از دوره قاجار برآمد. بر این اساس این پژوهش درصدد است تا با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی و به‌کارگیری اسناد و مدارک آرشیوی، نشریات و دیگر منابع تاریخی این پرسش را طرح کند و به آن پاسخ‎ دهد که سازماندهی امور اوقاف در عصر پهلوی اول چگونه صورت گرفت و اهداف آموزشی آن چه بود؟ ‎‍یافته‎‍های تحقیق نشان می‎‍دهد حکومت پهلوی طی یک روند ده‌ساله ازطریق وضع قوانین جدید، موفق به سازماندهی اوقاف و ایجاد تغییرات در آن حوزه با هدف توسعۀ کمی و کیفی نظام آموزشی کشور شد. این هدف با به‌کارگیری اوقاف و صرف عواید حاصل از اوقاف در حوزه‎‍های ساختمانی (ساخت بنا‎‍های آموزشی)، معارفی (ترویج آموزش و تأمین منابع آموزشی) و طبعی ( نشر کتاب) محقق شد.</OtherAbstract>
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