دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Considerations on the Belief in the ‘Astrology’ in the Historiography of Abu Hanifa Dinawari ملاحظاتی در باب نمود اعتقاد به «احکام نجوم» در تاریخ‌نگاری ابوحنیفه دینوری 1 16 24902 10.22108/jhr.2020.123346.1990 FA علی اکبر عباسی استادیار گروه تاریخ دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران زهرا سادات کشاورز دکترای تاریخ تشیع گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2020 06 06 1. Abstract One of the important points in historiography is the issue of belief or disbelief of the historian in Astrology. Abu Ḥanifa Dinawari is one of the Iranian Muslim historians and astronomers of the third century AH and the author of the valuable book ‘Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal’. This research seeks to find the answer to the question of what is the manifestation of Abu Hanifa Dinawari’s belief in the rules of astronomy and in what fields can its manifestation be seen in his historiography? Based on the findings of this study, it seems that Dinawari’s view on the predictions of astronomers has fluctuations and in general, few cases of predictions have been mentioned in historical events. In the same few cases of his work, which dealt with the prophecies of great men and astronomers and considered it important, he did not ignore the prophecies of the common people and sometimes mentioned these reports in his book. It is also believed that if in some cases, the predictions of astronomers have not been made, the misinterpretation of their words is the main reason for the failure of these predictions. As an astronomer, Dinawari wrote important astronomical works, that this has been effective in his commitment to Astrology. The issues raised in the rules of astronomy are explained in more detail in the book ‘Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal’ than similar events. 2. Introduction Astronomy is a science that is based on research and accurate observation of celestial bodies and their movements and has been praised by religious leaders as well as intellectuals. Unlike astronomy, the science of astronomical rules is a science that talks about the influence of the planetariums and planets on the destiny of human beings and it is also called astrology. Attention to destiny, divine providence, astronomical rules and the predictions of astronomers, depending on the type of view of historians and the type of their historiography is manifested differently in their works. Abu Ḥanifa Ahmad ibn Dawud Dinawari is one of the Iranian Muslim historians and astronomers of the third century AH and the author of the valuable book ‘Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal’. Dinawari’s astronomical artifacts have been destroyed for centuries or his manuscripts have not been found. Scholars usually mention his Iranian sensation in his work (Abbasi, 2002; Jalilian, 20112). In his book Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, there are traces of his belief in astronomy and the rules of astronomy and the interest to astronomers of different historical periods is palpable in his book. Dinawari’s view of the rules of astronomy (astrology) does not seem to be the same in Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal and is seen as contradictory even at the beginning, and from another point of view, his astronomical view has many ups and downs. By paying attention to the examples of astronomical rulings mentioned in Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, it can be understood that although a few cases of astrological points can be found in the book, nevertheless, those remarks are methodological and follow a logical order and the author's discussion in this regard is not contradictory. In general, Dinawari is interested in mentioning the issues of astrology in the language of the great astronomers and Usayyah (Successors of the Prophet), and not the common people. The predictions of the astronomers in mentioning the events and happenings in Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal are such that either the predictions have been fulfilled or the misunderstanding of non-experts has led to the appearance that the prediction did not come true and the predictions made by astronomers have not been fulfilled. 3. Materials and Methods The present article, with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on library studies, seeks to find the answer to the question of what is the manifestation of Abu Hanifa Dinawari’s belief in the rules of astronomy and in what fields can its manifestation be seen in his historiography? 4. Discussion of Results & Conclusions From the layout of Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal and how prophecies about personalities, dynasties, and wars are made, it can be inferred that Dinawari considers the predictions of the writers and astrologers, not the common people, to be reliable. Fulfillment of a fortune teller's prophecy and at the same time not mentioning the prophecies of the common people in other sources (Menqari, 1984, p. 152) about the Battle of Siffin, mentioning astronomers' predictions about the death of Abu Muslim in Rome and its implicit fulfillment, talking about the non-fall of the Umayyads with doubt from the language of Marwan ibn Muhammad ibn Marwan, the astronomical caliph and aware of the rules of astronomy, emphasis on mentioning of the prophecy of Mukhtar about the victory of his general (Ibrahim Ibn Ashtar) in the Battle of Khazir from the language of the elders (one who has read books and knows the prophecies about seditions and wars), and at the same time failure to fulfill the predictions of the common people (Abd al-Rahman ibn Abzi Khaza’i) in his government, emphasis on expressing the prophecy of Musa ibn Ja'far (AS) as news quoted from the Usayyah about the quarrel between Mohammad Amin and Abdullah Ma’mun, all these are in this direction. Abu Ḥanifa Dinawari considers the predictions of astronomers and astrologers to be reliable and true, just as he accepts the view of Usayyah about the prophecies. However, Dinawari does not emphasize the correctness of the predictions of the common people, and he does not even accept the predictions of genius and important characters who do not specialize in astronomy, and implicitly tells the reader that their interpretations of the words of astronomers are wrong. Although he praises Abu Muslim and his genius, he considers his lack of understanding of the astronomers' predictions about his death in Rome to be effective in deceiving him and killing him at the hands of Mansour. Dinawari makes this point by mentioning his death in the Roman palace of Madain and the predictions of astronomers about his death in Rome. In some cases, Abu Hanifa speaks with suspicion in the prophecies made by the experts so that the course of events does not contradict the predictions: “Marwan, who knew about astronomy, told his slave that if I survived tonight, I would drive the riders of Khorasan so far that they would reach Khorasan”. This view of the rules of astronomy in the study of at least some historical events has specially crystallized Dinawari’s view in his work. در تاریخ‌نگاری، مبحث اعتقادداشتن یا اعتقادنداشتتن مورخ به «احکام نجوم»، از نکات مهم و در کانون توجه است. ابوحنیفه دینوری، از مورخان بزرگ تمدّن اسلامی در قرن سوم قمری/نهم میلادی، کتاب اخبارالطوال را براساس شیوﮤ تاریخ‌نگاری عمومی تألیف کرده است. این پژوهش با دیدگاهی توصیفی‌تحلیلی به‌دنبال یافتن پاسخ این پرسش است که نمود اعتقادی ابوحنیفه دینوری به احکام نجوم به چه صورت بوده است و در تاریخ‌نگاری او، تجلی این نمود در چه زمینه‌هایی مشاهده می‌شود. براساس یافته‌های این پژوهش، به نظر می‌رسد دیدگاه دینوری دربارﮤ پیشگویی‌های منجمان، فرازونشیب‌هایی داشته و در مجموع، نمونه‌های اندکی از پیشگویی‌ها در حوادث تاریخی را ذکر کرده است. او در اثر خود، در همان نمونه‌های اندک که پیشگویی بزرگان و منجمان را بررسی کرده و آن را مهم دانسته، به پیشگویی‌های عوام بی‌توجه نبوده و گاهی در کتاب خود، از این گزارش‌ها نام برده است؛ همچنین بر این باور بوده است که اگر در مواقعی، منجمان و اهل احکام نجوم پیشگویی نداشته‌اند، تأویل و برداشت نادرست از سخنان آنها دلیل اصلی محقق‌نشدن این پیشگویی‌ها بوده است. دینوری در جایگاه یک منجم، آثار نجومی مهمی را نگاشته که این موضوع در اعتقادش به درستی سخنان اهل احکام نجوم بی‌تأثیر نبوده است. مباحثی که احکام نجوم در آن مطرح شده، در کتاب اخبارالطوال مفصل‌تر از حوادث مشابه توضیح داده شده است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_24902_e6c8afd7b552ca73102172533be904eb.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Historical study and analysis of the role of expediency in the domination of the caliphate over the Imamate in the formation and administration of the Islamic state from 632 to 634 AD بررسی و تحلیل تاریخی نقش اندﻳﺸﮥ مصلحت‌گرایی در ﻏﻠﺒﮥ نظام خلافت بر نظام امامت در شکل‌گیری و ادارﮤ دولت اسلامی از سال 11تا13ق 17 34 25007 10.22108/jhr.2020.123358.1992 FA بهمن زینلی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2020 06 18 The demise of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) marked a turning point in the formation of a new political system in the administration of Islamic society. The fledgling Islamic government faced two strategies: Caliphate and Imamate Proponents of each of these two strategies considered themselves worthy of leading the Islamic government. The Saqifa community paved the way for the caliphate to prevail over the Imamate, while the proponents of the Imamate rejected the theory of the Caliphate, but ultimately gave way to the caliphate within the framework of expediency. The main purpose of this article, which has been compiled in a qualitative and descriptive-analytical manner regarding historical sources, is to explain and analyze the role of expediency in the formation and acceptance of the caliphate system. The main question of the research is what role the idea of expediency has played in the formation of the caliphate system in Saqifa and the actions of the first Islamic caliph. According to the findings of this study, the idea of expediency has played a key role in the dominance of the political system based on the caliphate over the Imamate system in the Saqifa community. Introduction With the death of the prophet, two beliefs were widespread about his succession. The first belief was based on the caliphate system, according to which the choice of the Prophet's successor was based on the choice of the Muslim community, and the second belief was based on the Imamate system, according to which the Prophet's successor was a divine position and appointment by God. The election of the Prophet (PBUH) successor in Saqifa Bani Sa'deh and the formation of the caliphate system and the acceptance of the principle of public allegiance to the divine installation, which led to the victory of the caliphate over the Imamate, was a new development in the political system of Islamic society. The result of this caused the evolution of the caliphate system and the emergence of multiple ideas in the period of the Islamic Caliphate from 11 to 40 AH. Based on the hypotheses of the present paper, these ideas are in the form of expediency (632-634.AD), utilitarianism (634-643.AD), monopoly (643-656.AD) and justice (656—660.AD) Material & Methods This research has been done in a qualitative way and a descriptive-analytical method with reference to the main historical sources. Discussion of Results & Conclusions The purpose of this study, is a historical explanation of the role of expediency in the acceptance and dominance of the idea of caliphate over the idea of Imamate in Saqifa Bani Saadeh and also during the period of the first caliph. According to the above purpose, in this study, while examining the role of expediency in the Saqifa incident and its result, the actions of the first caliph based on this policy in the administration of the Islamic State are explained. The results of this study explain the fact that the idea of expediency is the most important influential component in the roof of Bani Sa'deh and the period of the first caliph has played a decisive role in managing and changing the macrostructure of the Islamic state. Firstly, during the Saqifa meeting and after the announcement of the result of the meeting, all political currents were forced to accept Saqifa's decision based on the necessity of expediency. Ansar as the founders of the Saqifa community in the context of "expediency", the political current of immigrants in the context of "expediency of defense", the Shiite political current while rejecting the choice of Saqifa in the context of "expediency of silence", the political current of Mecca aristocracy opportunistically in the framework of "expediency" and Finally, in addition to belonging to one of the four political currents present in Medina, the Muslim general public also chose the Saqifa community in the framework of the "expediency of security and peace." Second: The idea of expediency was heavily used throughout the time of the first caliph, and most of the decisions and choices of the caliph were based on this idea. The use of this idea had significant consequences for the Islamic society, and in addition to establishing a new social and political culture in the Islamic society, it paved the way for the rule of ideas such as utilitarianism (634-643.AD) and monopoly (643-656.ad). The prevalence of this idea also deprived the Islamic society of some of the true faces of Islam, especially the Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet (PBUH) and diminished the role of the pro-Imamate current’ Islamic State, Saqifa Bani Sa'deh, Expediency, Caliphate, Imamate رحلت پیامبر اسلام(ص) نقطه‌عطفی در تاریخ اسلام بود و در ساختار ادارﮤ جاﻣﻌﮥ اسلامی، سرآغاز شکل‌گیری نظام سیاسی جدیدی شد. دولت نوپای اسلامی برای اداﻣﮥ حیات خود، با دو راهبرد خلافت و امامت مواجه شد. طرفداران هرکدام از این دو راهبرد، اندﻳﺸﮥ خود را مستحق رهبری ادارﮤ حکومت اسلامی می‌دانستند. اجتماع سقیفه در حالی زﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﻏﻠﺒﮥ نظام خلافت بر امامت را فراهم کرد که طرفداران امامت ضمن باور بر نصب امام، نظرﻳﮥ خلافت را رد کردند و آن را فاقد مشروعیت دانستند؛ اما درنهایت، در چارچوب اندﻳﺸﮥ مصلحت‌گرایی، همراه با جریان‌های سیاسی مدینه، به نظام خلافت تن دادند. این مقاله به شیوﮤ کیفی و به روش توصیفی‌تحلیلی و با استناد به منابع تاریخی تدوین شده و هدف اصلی آن، تبیین و تحلیل تاریخی نقش اندﻳﺸﮥ مصلحت‌گرایی در شکل‌گیری و مقبولیت نظام خلافت است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش این است که اندﻳﺸﮥ مصلحت‌گرایی در شکل‌گیری نظام خلافت در سقیفه و اقدامات خلیفه نخست اسلامی چه نقشی داشته و پیامدهای حاکم‌شدن این اندیشه در دورﮤ خلیفه نخست و پس از آن چه بوده است. براساس یافته‌های این پژوهش که با استناد به منابع اصلی تاریخ اسلام صورت گرفته، در اجتماع سقیفه، اندﻳﺸﮥ مصلحت‌گرایی در ﻏﻠﺒﮥ نظام سیاسی مبتنی‌بر خلافت بر نظام امامت نقش اساسی داشته است؛ همچنین در طول دورﮤ پیشوایی خلیفه نخست، تبیین‌کنندﮤ راهبردهای خلیفه در ادارﮤ دولت اسلامی بوده است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25007_d12f6a76f47f21449e8ee4e338af72b7.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Ghadamgah: the Natural or Carved Human Footprints and its Significance in the Iranian Religious Beliefs before and after the Advent of Islam قدمگاه، اثر جای پای طبیعی یا حجاری و جایگاه آن در باورهای مذهبی ایرانی‌ها در پیش و پس از ظهور اسلام 35 50 25183 10.22108/jhr.2020.124988.2072 FA نصراله عباسی دانشیار گروه زمین شناسی، دانشکده علوم، دانشگاه زنجان، زنجان، ایران هادی سلیمانی ابهری استادیار گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه زنجان، زنجان، ایران Journal Article 2020 09 27 Abstract Ghadamgahs are sacred places in Iran date back to ancient and historical eras, serving as symbols of Islamic and cultural heritage. Usually, sculpted human footprints at these sites are mostly attributed to the journey across Iran by the Eighth Imam Ali ibn Musa al-Reza AS (765-818 CE). Ghadamgahs are relatively abundant in southern provinces of Iran, such as Fars, Khuzestan, and Bushehr. In the present study, the footprints of some of Ghadamgahs and their relationships with natural footprints are investigated. Besides, the spatial location of Ghadamgahs with water resources is evaluated. The data were gathered based on the available reports as well as the observation of some footprints in Ghadamgahs. The results show that although the natural footprints of humans have been reported from many parts of the world, the type of rock and the geometry of the footprints in Ghadamgahs are evidence of their handiwork and artificiality. Traces of natural footprints are found in sedimentary rocks or pyroclastic rocks (volcanic ash). Meanwhile, the pedestals installed in Ghadamgahs have also been carved on igneous or metamorphic rocks. However, the role of footprints in Ghadmagah is historically reminiscent of the presence of Imam Reza (AS) and the descendants of Imams are miraculously engraved in stone. Ghadamgahs in Iran are often built near springs and water sources and are somewhat associated with the sanctity of water in Iran. Keeping water clean in Iran is associated with ritual approaches and historical-religious beliefs, and the construction of Ghadamgahs shows the efforts of Iranians in this direction. Introduction Holy places are known as respected areas for the people of most religions. Usually, particular ceremonies are executed and special symbols are installed in these places. One of these places is Ghadamgah in Iranian religious folklore, which is known as a holy shrine usually with a footprint slab as a symbol of the presence of religious people. Greeting and bowing, touching, kissing, circumambulating, praying, lighting candles, and lighting fires or the use of fragrant substances are pilgrimage ceremonies in Ghadamgahs. In the present study, the authors evaluate the nature of the footprints in Ghadamgahs. Also, the location of Ghadamgahs to the natural phenomena, mainly water resources is examined. Materials and Methods Natural human footprints have been found in the Quaternary sediments in the world. These footprints and trackways are preserved on the sedimentary rocks and some cases in the volcaniclastic rocks. The biological and sedimentological factors, such as the weight of a human, nature of walking, and the grain size of sediments. To gather the data of the present study, one of the authors of the present study studied some of Ghadamgahs in Iran and other countries that included Ghadamgah of Nishapur, Ghadamgah of Shamil area in Hormozgan province, Ghadamgah of Abhar in Zanjan province, Ghadamgah of Salman and Ali in Arzhan area in Fars province, Ghadamgah of Takeh Mo'aven-ol Molk of Kermanshah, Ghadamgah of prophet Muhammad in Topkapi Museum of Istanbul, and Ghadamgah of prophet Abraham in Mecca. However, based on field data, installed footprint slabs in the Ghadamgah do not include natural footprint, and all of them are handmade because they differ by geometrical indexes, the morphology of footprints, and host rocks against the natural human footprints. The present study aims to answer the following questions: 1. What is the origin and preservation of human footprints? 2. What is the geographical distribution of the most important Ghadamgahs in Iran? 3. Does the existence of a Ghadamgah attributed to the Prophet, Imam, Imamzadeh or holy people indicate their presence in that area and how can such a presence be historically proven? 4. What is the relationship between pedestrians and natural phenomena, mainly water resources, in Iran? Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of the present study showed that natural human footprints are formed on soft sediments and changed to sedimentary rocks by the diagenesis processes, over geological periods. Therefore, natural footprints can only be found in sedimentary rocks or some cases in the volcaniclastic deposits. Natural footprints have a definite geometry and arrangement, while hand-carved and carved footprints may vary in type of rock, size, and geometry. Footprints are the simplest human remains and their attribution to important or sacred persons is credible to the general public. The installation of handmade footprint slabs in the footsteps has guaranteed and justified the sanctity of that place. Additionally, the validity of the attributed ancient passageways to the Infallibles, especially to Imam Reza's (AS) migration from Arabia to Central Asia, and the study of their historical presence in the place by the Ghadamgahs in Iran, are validated by specifying the narration of the names of the cities and places and symbolized by the handicraft footprints. Historians and archaeologists may be interested in the reconstruction of the historical passageways and the location of ancient routes. Finally, the proximity of most Iranian worships, such as Ghadamgahs, along water resources, shows the importance of water resources and efforts to popularize water resources through religious beliefs. قدمگاه‌ها مکان‌های مقدسی‌اند که در ایران قدمت تاریخی و قدیمی دارند و در حکم میراثی فرهنگی و مذهبی شناخته می‌شوند. در بیشتر مواقع، جای پای مقدسی در قدمگاه‌ها‌ نصب شده‌ است که بیشتر آنها به امام هشتم، علی بن‌موسی‌الرضا(ع) نسبت داده می‌شوند. پراکندگی قدمگاه‌ها در استان‌های جنوبی ایران، بیشتر است. در این مقاله به جای پاهای موجود در برخی از قدمگاه‌ها و ارتباط آنها با جای پاهای طبیعی توجه شده است؛ همچنین موقعیت مکانی قدمگاه‌ها با منابع آبی ارزیابی و تحلیل شده است. براساس گزارش‌های در دسترس و همچنین مشاهدة برخی جای پاها در قدمگاه‌ها، اطلاعات ضروری برای چنین ارزیابی به دست آمد. ردپای طبیعی انسان‌ها از بسیاری نقاط دنیا گزارش شده است؛ ولی نوع سنگ و هندﺳﮥ جای پاها در قدمگاه‌ها گواهی بر دست‌کَند و مصنوعی‌بودن آنهاست. ردپاهای طبیعی در سنگ‌های رسوبی یا سنگ‌های آذرآواری (خاکسترهای آتشفشانی) یافت می‌شوند. این در حالی است که جای پاهای نصب‌شده در قدمگاه‌ها، روی سنگ‌های آذرین یا دگرگونی نیز حجاری شده‌اند. با وجود این، نقش جای پا در قدمگاه، به‌لحاظ تاریخی یادآور روایت حضور امام معصوم(ع) یا امامزاده‌ها در آن مکان است که به طور معجزه‌آسایی جای پای آنها در سنگ نقش بسته است. از طرف دیگر قدمگاه‌ها در ایران، بیشتر در نزدیکی چشمه‌ها و منابع آبی بنا شده‌اند و به‌نوعی، تداعی‌کنندة تقدس آب در ایران‌اند. در ایران، پاکیزه نگه‌داشتن آب و همگانی‌دانستن منابع آبی همراه با رویکردهای آیینی و باورهای تاریخی‌مذهبی است و ساخت قدمگاه تلاش ایرانی‌ها را در این راستا نشان می‌دهد.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25183_324f56cf4445413246308df6c2141ec6.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 The Central Government and Developments in the West of Iran: Governors of Ilam حکومت قاجار و تحولات غرب کشور: نمونه‌پژوهی، والیان پشتکوه 51 63 25418 10.22108/jhr.2020.123369.1995 FA نورالدین نعمتی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2020 06 02 Abstract: After coming to power, the Qajars in pursuit of security and continuity of government sought to suppress and dismantle local powers and their possible rivals. The governors organized military forces using natural, geographic, mountainous, and strategic conditions. Thus, Qajars recognized them as legitimate governors. The Qajars utilized the power of the governors to suppress the rebellion of Khuzestan, Lorestan, and Kermanshah regions, and to prevent the Ottoman boundary interferences. Hossein-Quli Khan was a governor who received Nasser-al-Din Shah’s support including titles and continuity of his post. After the death of Qulam-Reza Khan, Mozafar al-Din Shah continued this support for his son. Although the son was not capable like his father, he managed to secure the governorship. However, with the fall of Qajars and the rise of the Pahlavi Dynasty, he fled to Iraq and eventually the governorship collapsed. The present study sought to investigate how the relationship between the central power structure and Poshtkuh governors was, and how the equilibrium of power was established between the central government of Qajar and the said Governors. The research hypothesis is that the Qajar government has supported the governors in the pursuit of internal and border stability, and the governors have been loyal to the Qajars. Introduction: In pursuit of the stability of their government, the Qajars suppressed and dismantled local powers and their possible rivals after coming to power. Having understood the new situation, the governors relocated their ruling headquarter to Poshtkuh. They were recognized officially by the central government using the special geographic position of the region, reorganizing military forces, establishing order and restoring the limit of their territories, sending taxes and tolls timely, and suppressing the violence of Ottomans. The statesmen of the central government employed their military power to establish order and security and to suppress local rebellions in Khuzestan, Lorestan, and Kermanshah regions if necessary. The powerful governors of Poshtkuh were related inversely with power fluctuations of the central government in terms of power equilibrium. Despite their power and specific condition in their realm, they never claimed autonomy, separation, and evasion from the central power. Materials and Methods: The present study was based on historical documents and the analysis of other related sources. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Hossein Quli Khan, the governor of Poshtkuh, established and restored order in line with commands of the central government during his ruling term (1280-1318 AH/1863-1900 AD). He was noticed as a local and authoritarian power inside and outside his realm by suppressing the violence of Ottomans and chasing them. Using high military power, he managed to suppress rebellions in Lorestan, Khuzestan, and Kermanshah and thereby played an essential and effective role in these regions. Zel Al-Sultan and Isfahan and Lorestan governors together brought him to Tehran during wedding ceremonies for his son, Sultan Hossein Mirza Jala Al- Doleh. He was honored to the titles of Sarem Al-Saltaneh, Amir Toman, the head of Poshtkooh corps, and granting a sword when visiting Nasereddin Shah. The title of Fath Al-Saltaneh was granted to his son on this trip. With his intercession, Zel Al-Sultan, as powerful governor of Isfahan and Lorestan, released a great number of chiefs of Lor tribes from the jail in Isfahan. Following the establishment of civil security and the restoration of border limits for exploitation from salt mines, ranches of various tribes and nomads, further utilization from water supplies of borderline rivers, and dominance over some disputed border zones, he defeated the Ottoman and chased them up to Tigris banks. Under such conditions, the Ottoman government tries to compel the governor to retreat by diplomatic protests; however, the government that was aware of his services, not only did not obstruct him but also appreciated his magnificent services. His son, Qulam Reza, succeeded him after his death in 1318 Ah (1900AD). The structure of the political system changed following the victory of the Constitutional Movement and the formation of the National Council Parliament. QulamRezaGovernor, Sheikh Khazal, and Solat Al-Doleh Qashqaei formed a ternary alliance under the title of ‘Society of Prosperity’ to prevent Qajar collapse and to continue the constitutional trend. Although they did no important activity in this regard; however, they acted more independently in their territories. Qulam RezaGovernor caused some problems in the Kut Al Amara region (Iraqi border) by supporting the interim government for British forces during World War I (1914-1918). Following to take the power of the Pahlavi I Government (1925-1941) and in the course of the New Order and the concentration of political power by the governor, who could not fight against the Modern Army, he took asylum in Iraq by gathering his properties. The governors were supported by the central government with the establishment of domestic order and security, stability at borders, and sending taxes timely to the financial administration. They assumed their own territory as an integrated part of this country at the peak point of their territorial sovereignty and tackled Ottoman violence by avoiding claiming independence and seeking separation from the central government. The results of the present study imply that in pursuit of the establishment of internal and border stability and tax payment, Qajar statesmen were supported by the governors within the realm of their power and there was a reverse relationship between financial relations of governors with a change in the equilibrium of central power. قاجارها پس از تثبیت، قدرت‌های محلی و به‌احتمال رقیب را تضعیف یا سرکوب کردند. والیان نیز با درک اوضاع جدید، مقر فرمانروایی خود را به پشتکوه منتقل کردند. آنها با بهره‌گیری از موقعیت جغرافیایی ویژﮤ منطقه، بازسازی نیروهای نظامی، برقراری نظم و ثبات در محدودﮤ قلمرو خود، ارسال به موقع مالیات و خراج و نیز دفع تجاوز عثمانی‌ها، بستری فراهم کردند تا حکومت مرکزی آنها به رسمیت بشناسد. دولتمردان حکومت مرکزی در مواقع لزوم، برای برقراری نظم و آرامش و سرکوب شورش‌های محلی در مناطق خوزستان و لرستان و کرمانشاه، از توان نظامی آنها استفاده می‌کردند. والیان قدرتمند پشتکوه در موازﻧﮥ قدرت، با نوسانات قدرت مرکزی راﺑﻂﮥ معکوسی داشتند. آنها باوجود توان و موقعیت خاص قلمروشان، هیچ‌گاه ادعای خودمختاری یا جدایی نکردند و گریز از مرکز نشدند. با تغییر نظام سیاسی و استقرار حکومت پهلوی، غلامرضاخان آخرین والی که توان مقابله با حکومت مرکزی را نداشت، به کشور عراق پناهده شد؛ بنابراین ادارﮤ امور این منطقه به نظامیان واگذار شد. این پژوهش در پی یافتن پاسخ این پرسش است: حکومت مرکزی با والیان پشتکوه چه رابطه‌ای داشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش این است که دولتمردان قاجار در پی امنیت داخلی و تثبیت حدود مرزی و پرداخت مالیات، از والیان در محدودﮤ قلمروشان حمایت کردند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25418_e2584435076e422789bbe3a6e7d20397.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Why and How the Relations between the Parsis of India and the Zoroastrians of Iran Were Formed? (Based on the Narrations of Rivāyāt-e Dārāb Hormazdyār) چرایی و چگونگی شکل گیری روابط میان پارسیان هند و زرتشتیان ایران (برپایۀ روایات داراب هرمزدیار) 65 82 25627 10.22108/jhr.2021.127600.2158 FA علی یزدانی راد استادیار بخش تاریخ، دانشکدۀ حقوق، علوم سیاسی و تاریخ، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران علی اکبر تشکری استادیار بخش تاریخ، دانشکدۀ حقوق، علوم سیاسی و تاریخ، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران Journal Article 2021 03 05 1- Abstract: In 880 AH, with the arrival of Nariman Houshang, one of the Parsis of India, to Iran and his meeting with the High Priests of Turkabad, a special relationship was established between the Parsis of India and the Zoroastrians of Iran, which lasted for nearly three hundred years. The result is a collection of narrations in Persian, each of them is usually called the bearer of that narration. A considerable number of these narrations appear in a collection called Narrations of Darab Hormazdyar (Rivāyāt-e Dārāb Hormazdyār). In addition to clarifying the various aspects of the Zoroastrian religion, the narration also expresses the concerns and challenges that Zoroastrian communities in India and Iran have faced. The present study, which is descriptive-analytical research based on the historical research method, relying on the Narrations of Darab Hormazdyar, seeks to answer thequestion what factors or motives, despite some challenges, caused the beginning and continuation of the relationship between the Parsis of India and the Zoroastrians of Iran in three hundred years. Analyzing the content of these narrations and recognizing the issues and conditions that these two societies faced shows that the beginning of relations between the Parsis and the Zoroastrians of Iran was probably a coincidence and not planned and aimed at gaining religious information from the Zoroastrians of Iran, but there is no doubt that the continuation of such relations is due to a set of religious, social, and economic motives of both societies. 2- Introduction: With the spread of Islam in Iran in the third and fourth centuries AH, some Zoroastrians preferred to leave their homeland and migrate to India. In India, Zoroastrians settled in the western state of Gujarat, where they founded their first settlement, Sanjan, in 324 AH. In order to establish the identity of Sanjan as a Zoroastrian city, they consecrated and established the fire of Bahram in this city. The connection of these immigrants and their descendants (who became known in India as Parsis) with Iran and the Zoroastrians of Iran was cut off for a long time until 1476 AD. In this year, one of the Parsis named Nariman Houshang goes to Iran and meets the Zoroastrian high priests (Dasturān) of Yazd, and on his return brings the letter of the high priests of Yazd to the Parsis. This letter, which contains some religious instructions, is called Narration of Nariman Houshang (Rivāyāt-e Nariman Houshang). These travels and correspondences last for about three hundred years and the result is a collection of 26 narrations in Persian, each of which is usually called the bearer of that narration. In 1692, Darab Hormazdyar collected a collection of the most important of these narrations along with some other Persian Zoroastrian texts called Narrations of Darab Hormazdyar (Rivāyāt-e Dārāb Hormazdyār). 3- Materials and Methods: The present article with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on the historical research method using the Narrations of Darab Hormazdyar aimed to address the question what factors or motives caused the beginning and continuation of the relationship between the Parsis of India and The Zoroastrians of Iran (1478-1773 A.C.). 4- Discussion of Results and Conclusions: It can be said that the first contact of the Parsis of India with their Iranian brothers was probably accidental and unplanned, and despite what seems at first glance, it did not indicate the desire of the Parsis, and especially the high priests of Nosari to seek guidance from the Dasturān of Yazd and Iran. But, immediately after the beginning of the relationship, a series of factors and motives arise that make both parties eager to pursue this relationship. It was while there were serious obstacles and challenges to these relations such as the impossibility of the meeting and confrontation of clerics on both sides for oral transmission of religious teachings, as well as the impossibility of using the Pahlavi language to transmit the religious teachings in writing. One of these motives is the promising beliefs of the Zoroastrians, according to which, with the end of the Yazdgerd millennium and as a prelude to the emergence of Hoshidar, Shah Bahram Varjavand emerges from India and revives the Zoroastrian state, and puts an end to their hardships and the humiliations they saw in the Islamic society. Such beliefs were especially alive and strong among the Zoroastrians of Iran, and this prompted them to be in constant contact with India and to learn of Varjavand, who was expected to appear soon. Another factor in the continuation of these relations was the efforts of some Zoroastrian regions of India to get out of the influence and religious domination of Nosari, who at this time, by hosting the high priests and fire of Bahram of Sanjan, claimed the religious centrality of the Parsis. In fact, some groups tried to equate Iranian priests with Nosari priests in order to reduce Nosari authority. The further we go in terms of time, the more prominent such factor becomes apparent. Itsts culmination comes at a time of controversy among the Parsis of India over the issue of chronology. In addition to such factors, economic incentives were also effective in continuing the relationship. Furthermore, the business interests of the two parties and the benefits they derived from the relationship played an important role in maintaining communication. In fact, many narrations basically are recommendations for Zoroastrian merchants. In addition, the income that the high priests of Yazd received from the Parsis as ‘Dasturi’ also played an important role in the continuation of these relations. Of course, the role of purely religious motives cannot be ignored. That is, on the one hand, the Parsis considered themselves obliged to learn from the Iranians, and on the other hand, the Iranians considered themselves obliged to solve the problems of the Parsis. In general, it seems that the Iranians were more eager to continue the relations than the Parsis. ‌در حدود سال 880 ق/1476م با ورود نریمان هوشنگ، از پارسیان هند، به ایران و ملاقات او با دستوران تُرک‌آباد، میان پارسیان هند و زرتشتیان ایران رابطه‌ای ویژه پایه‌گذاری شد که قریب سیصدسال ادامه یافت. حاصل این روابط، مجموعه‌ای از روایت‌ها به زبان فارسی است که هریک از آنها به طور معمول، به نام حامل آن روایت، نامیده می‌شود. تعداد درخور توجهی از این روایت‌ها، در مجموعه‌ای به نام «روایات داراب هرمزدیار» گرد آمده است. این روایت‌ها علاوه‌بر روشن‌کردن جنبه‌های مختلف کیش زرتشتی، مسئله‌ها و دغدغه‌هایی را بیان می‌کند که جوامع زرتشتی در هند و ایران با آن روبه‌رو بودند. پژوهش حاضر، توصیفی‌تحلیلی و مبتنی‌بر روش پژوهش تاریخی است. در این پژوهش تلاش شده است بر مبنای مجموعۀ روایات داراب هرمزدیار، به این پرسش پاسخ داده شود که در این مدت، باوجود برخی موانع، چه عوامل یا انگیزه‌هایی آغاز و نیز استمرار رابطۀ میان پارسیان هندوستان و زرتشتیان ایران را باعث شدند. تحلیل محتوای این روایت‌ها و درک اوضاع و مسائلی که این دو جامعه با آنها مواجه بودند، نشان می‌دهد فتح باب روابط پارسیان و زرتشتیان ایران، به‌احتمال امری اتفاقی بوده است نه اقدامی برنامه‌ریزی‌شده و با هدف کسب اطلاعات دینی از زرتشتیان ایران؛ اما تردیدی نیست ادامۀ این روابط، مدیون مجموعه‌ای از انگیزه‌های دینی و اجتماعی و اقتصادی است که هر دو طرف دنبال می‌کردند.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25627_f88fa7c0f1d6d251780c72c5470aebeb.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Cultural Methodology of Inviting and Attracting Obedience in the Ashura Uprising روش‌شناسی فرهنگی دعوت و جلب اطاعت در قیام عاشورا 83 98 25765 10.22108/jhr.2021.126992.2140 FA محمد مصطفی اسعدی استادیار و عضو هیئت علمی گروه معارف دانشگاه علوم پزشکی ایران مهدی فرهودفر دکتری تاریخ فرهنگ و تمدن اسلامی دانشگاه معارف اسلامی قم دلبر شجاع آباجلو استادیار و عضو هیئت علمی گروه معارف دانشگاه ارومیه Journal Article 2021 01 25 This study, by analyzing and comparing the historical propositions in the ancient sources, investigates this research question: in the uprising of Imam Hussein, what methods were used to invite and attract the public obedience? Based on the findings of the present study, the proponents of this uprising (whether Imam Hussein (AS) or followers and commanders) aimed to create an attitude, re-explain the position of the Imam in the community, represent the illegitimacy of the Yazid government in religious culture, and reveal the value aspect of the uprising. These methods have been implemented with three tools of reasoning, repetition, and creating cognitive inconsistency and explaining contradictions. Also, in this uprising, the tendency was created and the invaders of the uprising followed the tendency towards the Imam based on eternal interests, the inclination towards martyrdom based on the value of jihad, and warning about the harms of disobedience and not confronting the Imam. As a result, it was found that the Ashura uprising was a comprehensive movement in the field of religion, politics, and society that created a kind of post-age culture as a standard culture and its invitation was organized in the two methods of attitude and tendency towards the diversity of audiences. Its invitation has been organized in two maximum layers in accompanying the Ashura uprising or the minimum in not accompanying the enemies of the uprising. Introduction: Throughout history, the leaders of uprisings and political and social movements in different parts of the world have tried to build a nation or a group to achieve their overt and covert aspirations, and rely on the demographic body to establish an established system. In the history of Islam, too, the initial plan of any uprising or movement has been the subject of ‘invitation’. At the beginning of the caliphate, Yazid, contrary to his father's advice, sought allegiance from three prominent figures in Medina, headed by Imam Hussein (AS). This action paved the way for the Imam to leave Medina and then turned into a full-blown uprising. Irrespective of the type of uprising and the goals of the movement of the martyrs, what is raised as a research issue is the question that in the cultural approach, the Imam and his companions in the uprising, what method did they use to invite and attract the obedience of the people? The present study looks at the methodology and how the Ashura uprising is in a specific cultural approach. Materials and Methods: The type of research is cultural-intellectual in the social dimension. The present study deals with the uprising from a cultural perspective. The premise of the research is that in Hosseini’s uprising, both the perceptual and emotional power of the audience was taken into consideration, and in his uprising, there were two general types of invitation to attract obedience: attitude building and tendency building. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Knowing the dimensions of the method of invitation in the movement of Sayyid al-Shuhada, the Ashura uprising is not considered a purely political and military movement. Rather, its proponents have organized a comprehensive movement in the field of religion, politics, and society to create a post-modern standard culture based on the elements of logic, rationality, as well as emotions and feelings. In his uprising, the Imam cleverly intended to think and create an attitude in accordance with pure Islam in the mentality of the contemporary society and future societies. The existence of two factors of attitude and tendency in the minds and hearts of the Imam's strong and stable companions on the one hand, and the conditions imposed by the enemy, turned this uprising into an oppressed trans-historical epic. However, the structure of the uprising was based on two intellectual and emotional pillars. The leader of the Ashura uprising had detailed cultural planning for the society of his time, which at the same time presented it as a practical model to the next generations of human society. Although attitude and orientation are pursued in parallel in the process of invitation, intellectual and attitude attraction is more important than and emotional attraction. Finally, the variety of methods of invitation in the Ashura uprising reminds the subject of ‘audience studies’, which is understandable and necessary in any cultural and religious program, including educational, propaganda, promotion, and media. In this regard, efforts are made to absorb a part of the body of the society. این پژوهش با تحلیل و هم‌سنجی گزاره‌های تاریخی موجود در منابع کهن، این مسئله را واکاوی می‌کند: در قیام عاشورا، برای دعوت و جلب اطاعت عموم جامعه چه روشی در پیش گرفته شد؟ براساس یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر، دعوتگران این قیام، یعنی شخص امام‌حسین(ع) یا پیروان و فرماندهان ایشان، در درجۀ نخست نگرش‌سازی می‌کردند و جایگاه امام را در نگرۀ اجتماع تبیین می‌کردند؛ سپس مشروعیت حکومت یزید را در فرهنگ دینی بازنمایی می‌کردند و رویکرد ارزشی و هنجاری قیام را آشکارسازی می‌کردند. این روش‌ها با سه ابزار استدلال، تکرار و ایجاد ناهماهنگی شناختی و تبیین تناقض‌ها اجرایی شده است؛ نیز در این قیام، گرایش‌سازی پیگیری شده است و دعوتگران آن، امام‌گرایی مبتنی‌بر منافع ابدی، شهادت‌گرایی مبتنی‌بر ارزش جهاد و هشداردهی در برابر آسیب‌های اطاعت‌نکردن و رویارونشدن با امام را دنبال کرده‌اند. درنتیجه، مشخص شد قیام عاشورا حرکتی همه‌جانبه در عرصۀ دین و سیاست و اجتماع بود که نوعی از فرهنگ‌سازی فراعصری را در حکم فرهنگ معیار پدید آورد. حرکتی که دعوت آن در دو روش نگرشی و گرایشی ناظر به گونه‌گونی مخاطبان سامان پذیرفته است و نقطۀ مطلوب آن، در دو لایۀ حداکثری در همراهی با قیام عاشورا یا حداقلی در همراهی‌نکردن با دشمنان قیام لحاظ شده است.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25765_b2e5fe28a54aedb4426a1d2eaa20711f.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان پژوهش های تاریخی 2008-6253 12 3 2020 09 22 Analysis of the Failed Relationship of the Venetians with Shah Tahmasb Safavid Based on Untranslated Italian Sources واکاوی رابطۀ نافرجام ونیزیان با شاه تهماسب صفوی: براساس منابع ترجمه‌نشدۀ ایتالیایی 99 112 25723 10.22108/jhr.2021.125948.2097 FA محمد حسن رحیمیان دانشجوی دکتری گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی،دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران محمدعلی رنجبر دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی،دانشگاه شیراز،شیراز، ایران Journal Article 2020 11 23 Abstract: The reign of Shah Tahmasb Safavid (1524-1576 AD) witnessed many changes in Iranian foreign policy. In this transformation, the independent variable was the Ottoman problem. For the cautious Safavid king, the main foreign policy priority was to de-escalate tensions with the Ottoman government, so that the dependent variable (i.e. relations with European governments) including Venice, was affected by relations with the Ottomans. If before the conclusion of the Amasya Peace Treaty (1555 AD), the Venetians hoped to unite with Iran against the Ottomans, after the conclusion of this treaty, their efforts failed. The sudden withdrawal of the Venetians from the request for an alliance with Iran, which took place after the dispatch of Membre and their peace with the Ottomans (1539 AD), angered Shah Tahmaseb. With the death of Suleiman (1566 AD) and the coming to power of Salim II, he annulled the previous treaties with the Venetians and threatened them, causing the Venetians to reconsider their alliance with Iran. After concluding a Lega Santa with some European governments, Khajeh Ali Tabrizi and Di Alessandri went to Tahmasb's court to test the process of unification, but Tahmasb never welcomed the Venetian ambassador. The bitter experience of Membre's embassy, the conclusion of the Amasya peace treaty, the existence of internal problems such as the Rebellion in Ghilan, Di Alessandri's impatience, Tahmasb's insistence on taking practical action by the European Union, and the fear of Turkish unease caused Shah not to pay attention to the ambassador of Venice. This was a bitter end to the Venetians' relationship with Shah Tahmasb. Introduction: The long period of Shah Tahmasb had a great impact on the consolidation and strength of the Safavid dynasty. During her reign, the Venetians, who were under increasing and crushing Ottoman blows, twice decided to test the alliance with Iran against the Ottomans, which dates back to the time of Uzun Hassan Aq Quyunlu, but several factors prevented this alliance from ever forming. The present study tries to deal with this issue from a new angle (i.e. the study of untranslated Italian language sources). Untranslated sources refer to those sources that have been written in Italian but have not been translated. Among these sources are consular reports and letters in the archives of the government of Venice, some of which were collected in 1282 AH/1865 AD by Guglielmo Berchet (1913-1833 AD) and under the published book The Republic of Venice and Iran (La repubblica di Venazia e la Persia). Another important source is the collection of reports of the Venetian ambassadors to the Senate (le relazioni dellambasciatori veneti al senato) compiled by Alberi. In general, the aim of this research is to find the cause(s) and the reason(s) for the non-realization of the union of Iran and Venice, despite the great efforts and enthusiasm of the Venetians, based on reading Italian untranslated sources. Materials and Methods: The present article, with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on library studies, seeks to find the answer to this question: what was the reason for the failure of the Venetians to establish an alliance with Shah Tahmasb? Discussion of Results and Conclusions In 1539 AD, the Venetians sent Michel Membre to the court of Shah Tahmasb and demanded an alliance with Iran against the Ottoman Turks. But when the Venetian ambassador was at the court of Iran, the Venetian government made peace with the Ottomans, which was accompanied by the unhappiness of Shah Tahmaseb and the dismissal of the Venetian ambassador. It was a pact that Tahmaseb was not willing to break in any way. With the beginning of the reign of Salim II and his invasion of Cyprus and other Venetian conquests, a holy alliance was formed in Europe to oppose the Turkish sultan, and for this purpose, Khajeh Ali Tabrizi and Vincenzo Di Alessandri left for Iran to fight Shah Tahmaseb for an alliance. They call against the Ottomans. But for some reason, he, who was a cautious emperor and did not have a good mentality about the Venetians because of the issue of membership, did not accept the Venetian ambassador. Concerns about the unrest in Ghilan have been exacerbated, and the Shah, who did not want to worry about the Ottomans by accepting a Venetian ambassador, used his excuse. Seeing practical action on the part of the Europeans, he ordered the ambassador to be released. An action that disappointed the Venetians and led them to make peace with the Ottomans. دوران طولانی سلطنت شاه تهماسب صفوی (1524تا1576م/930تا984ق)، شاهد دگرگونی‌های فراوانی در سیاست خارجی ایران بود. در این دگرگونی، مسئلۀ عثمانی متغیر مستقل بود. برای شاه محتاط صفوی، تنش‌زدایی با حکومت عثمانی اولویت اصلی سیاستِ خارجی بود؛ به طوری که متغیر وابسته، یعنی رابطه با دولت‌های اروپایی ازجمله ونیز، از رابطه با عثمانی تأثیر می‌گرفت. اگر تا پیش از انعقاد پیمان صلح آماسیه (962ق/1555م) ونیزیان به اتحاد با ایران علیه عثمانی امید داشتند، پس از انعقاد این پیمان، تلاش آنها با شکست روبه‌رو شد. انصراف ناگهانی ونیزیان از درخواست اتحاد با ایران که در پی اعزام میکله ممبره (Michele Membre) صورت گرفت و صلح آنها با عثمانی (946ق/1539م)، خشم شاه تهماسب را برانگیخت و سفیر ونیزیان را مرخص کرد. با مرگ سلطان سلیمان قانونی (974ق/1566م) و به حکومت رسیدن سلطان سلیم دوم، نامبرده با لغو معاهده‌های پیشین با ونیزیان و تهدید آنها باعث شد این دولت‌شهر ایتالیایی بار دیگر به فکر اتحاد با ایران بیافتد. به همین منظور، پس از انعقاد پیمان مقدس با برخی از دولت‌های اروپایی، خواجه‌علی تبریزی و وینچنتزو دی آلساندری (Vincenzo di Alessandri) روانۀ دربار شاه تهماسب شدند تا روند اتحاد را بیازمایند؛ اما شاه تهماسب هرگز به سفیر ونیزی روی خوش نشان نداد. عواملی چند باعث شد شاه تهماسب به سفیر ونیز توجهی نکند و باوجود اصرار سفیر و برخی شاهزادگان صفوی، حتی او را به حضور نپذیرد. این عوامل عبارت بودند از: تجربۀ تلخ سفارت میکله ممبره به ایران، انعقاد پیمان صلح آماسیه، وجود مشکلات داخلی مانند ناآرامی‌های گیلان، ناشکیبایی دی آلساندری، اصرار شاه تهماسب مبنی‌بر مشاهدۀ اقدام عملی از سوی اتحادیۀ اروپایی و ترس از ناراحتی ترک‌ها از باریافتن دی آلساندری. این پایانی تلخ بر ارتباط ونیزیان با شاه تهماسب بود.

https://jhr.ui.ac.ir/article_25723_089b604d5e4dd9e9d3aed347123b5e3d.pdf